The European Union, the United States, Norway and Japan were declared as the Co-chairs of the Tokyo Donor Conference in the run-up to the donor parley held on 9-10 June, 2003 in Tokyo.
Even a year or so into the conference they were still continued to be referred to as the co-chairs of the Tokyo Conference by the government, the LTTE and the civil society, and the co-chairs themselves.
Later, the Tokyo part was dropped.
From the latter part of last year and till last month, they were called the co-chairs of the Sri Lanka donor group.
The last time they were referred to as ‘Co-chairs of the Donor Group’ by themselves was on June 13, in a communique from Washington.
The statement is still there, pasted on the Peace Secretariat website.
Last week “the co-Chairs” issued a strongly-worded statement urging both the government and the LTTE to demonstrate the seriousness of their commitment to the truce.
And the ‘co-chairs’ kicked off the statement by referring to themselves as “The Co-Chairs of Sri Lanka’s Peace process…”.
Lets us get our facts correct.
Can “the co-chairs” who were only “the co-chairs of the Sri Lanka Donor Group” as late as June 13, 2005 could self-appoint themselves as “Co-Chairs of Sri Lanka’s Peace Process” barely a month later, by July 19, 2005?
Or is it that they are of kaleidoscopic nature – changing their title according to the context – whenever there is a donor conference round the corner – Tokyo, Washington, Kandy – parade themselves as Co-Chairs of the Donor Group and otherwise, especially when they have to make some critical remarks on the progress of the peace process, call themselves “the Co-chairs of the Sri Lanka Peace Process”?
What makes the matter worse is the statement issued by the President’s office on Monday, July 25, giving details about the discussion President Chandrika Kumaratunga had with the co-chairs.
The title of the statement reads “Tokyo Donor Conference co-chairs call on President”.
Co-chairs are back to base – Tokyo?
Is it a case of the co-chairs wanting to arrogate powers ‘co-chairs of the Peace Process’ while the government has its reservations about offering the title to them?
After all, it was only last week that the co-chairs called themselves ‘co-chairs of the peace process”. And within a week they have been demoted as mere ‘Tokyo Donor Conference co-chairs’.
This indeed is a matter that has to be clarified. The explanation should come from the government since it is the Government of Sri Lanka that is supposed to tell who the co-chairs are in relation to Sri Lanka and not the other way round. It is Sri Lanka which has to decide what she wants the co-chairs to be of the peace process, Sri Lanka donor group or only the co-chairs of the Tokyo Donor Conference.
If the government says that the co-chairs are only the ones of the “Tokyo Donor Conference”, then the co-chairs need to correct their statement issued last week, where they have referred to themselves as “Co-chairs of the Sri Lanka peace process”.Then there is also the question as to why so much of leverage is given to the group in Sri Lanka’s peace process if they were only linked to the Tokyo Donor Conference.
On the other hand, if the government says that the group is the co-chairs of the peace process, then that poses the question as to why they were referred to as mere ‘co-chairs of the Tokyo donor conference’ as late as last Monday by the President’s office min its statement.
The co-chairs of the Tokyo Donor Conference (or of Sri Lanka’s Peace Process) in its communiqué issued last week, urged the Government of Sri Lanka, among others, to “guarantee the security of unarmed LTTE cadres in government-controlled areas”.
It goes without saying that the purpose of the statement was bona-fide – to remind the two parties that the ‘co-chairs’ were closely monitoring the events here and to put pressure on parties to the conflict to do something quickly to defuse the mounting tension.
However perhaps what the co-chairs have failed to realize and also the Government of Sri Lanka has failed to convince the co-chairs, is that providing and guaranteeing security to the ‘unarmed LTTE cadres in Government-controlled areas’ is an extremely difficult task.
And the most difficult part of this responsibility is to identify the so called ‘unarmed LTTE cadres’.
Perhaps the co-chairs (and even some in the government) are not aware of the fact that about 60% of the LTTE cadres does not enter government-controlled areas through the checkpoints manned by the government’s security forces and the police, where they are supposed to register themselves.
The bulk of the Tiger cadres enter the cleared areas through jungle treks, violating the ceasefire.
As per Clause 2.7 of the Truce Agreement, the Government declared 17 checkpoints through which the LTTE cadres are supposed to come into the cleared areas.
Of these, thirteen are in the Batticaloa district -- Mandur, Paddirupur, Kaludaveli Ferry Point, Anbalantivu Ferry Point, Mamunai Ferry Point, Vanvunateevu, Santhiveli Boat Point, Black Bridge, Sitandy Boat Point, Kiran Bridge, Kinniyadi Boat Point, Valaichchenai and Makerni.
There are two entry points in Trinco – Mahindapura and Mutur (later Kattaparichchan) and another two in the Wanni - Uyilankulam and Omanthai.
However, following strong protests by the LTTE a few months into the ceasefire on body checks, unless in a strongly suspicious case, the government forces and the police avoid carrying out checks even at checkpoints now. Only the listing of the cadres is done at the entry points.
The majority of several hundreds of cadres who have been apprehended by the security forces while in possession of arms and explosives in government-controlled areas during the ceasefire are those who have entered the areas through jungle treks, avoiding the checkpoints.
There is also another category.
They are the ones who come into the cleared areas legitimately, through the checkpoints, but on arrival arm themselves either for combat purposes or in self-defence.
Also, there are ones who take the risk of smuggling arms through the barriers as is proven by the number of arrests made at checkpoints for carrying weapons. How many dozens in possession of arms and ammunition must be passing through the check points without being detected, thanks to the fuss created by the LTTE?
So, while the co-chairs urge the government to guarantee the security of the ‘unarmed’ LTTE cadres, the security forces are grappling with the issue of identifying ‘unarmed’ rebels owing to all these reasons.
Two weeks ago, it was announced that Velupillai Prabhakaran had called all his cadres engaged in political work in government-controlled areas to return to their bases. The reason for the call, it was said, was the increased security threats.This means, following the LTTE leader’s decree there should have been a drastic drop in the number of Tiger cadres entering the cleared areas, since it is said that engaging in political activities is the main purpose of the rebels’ visits to cleared areas.
However, government forces maintain that there had absolutely been no drop in the number of cadres entering the government-controlled areas since then.If all political cadres are recalled to the Wanni or their respective bases in uncleared areas, then those who entered the cleared areas following the decree have to be LTTE combatants.
Where these combatants go and what they do once they are in government-controlled areas, is anybody’s guess.
(http://www.dailymirror.lk/2005/07/27/opinion/1.asp)
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