Sri Lanka suspects LTTE of having "satellite safe-houses" on the border of the rebel-held Mannar-Vavuniya districts, the lankan Defence Ministry said in a report today.
According to the report, the elite police Special Task Force personnel conducting search operations in Vavuniya, recovered a 500 feet long safety code yesterday.
"During the search operations conducted in general area Kurumankadu - along the Vavuniya - Mannar road, STF personnel recovered a 500ft length safety code. Defence sources estimate that LTTE maintains satellite safe houses and rendezvous locations in the borders of Vavuniya and Mannar Districts,"
(http://www.newkerala.com/oct.php?action=fullnews&id=7351)
Monday, October 01, 2007
Violators as preachers: The shame of Diego Garcia
Now and then the heads of missions in Colombo, of the Transatlantic cousins come up for air and preach us homilies on human rights, the rule of law, disappearances and abductions and the gamut of what might be broadly called rights violations. Reading the words of American ambassador Robert Blake and his diplomatic colleague from the other side of the pond, Dominick Chilcott, one sometimes finds oneself in a dizzy world of moral intoxication.
Their preaching, not confined to the Sabbath, might have had moral validity had they practised for the world to see what they preach so universally. I don’t mean Messrs Blake and Chilcott (super power first, you would notice) personally but the countries they represent.
Since they represent their countries (or lie on behalf of them as the job description of diplomats goes) they must accept the strictures directed at their own countries since they have tried so cleverly to cover the mote in their eyes while pointing their fingers at others.
It would appear that if their countries violate the widely accepted moral code and international law such conduct is justified on the premise that they are fighting terrorism. However if others step out of line even marginally what is sauce for the goose does not apply to the gander.
This is not to say that one should brazenly or even tangently violate human rights or the rule of law if such conduct could be avoided. To fall back on another old saying two wrongs do not make a right, and all that. But it does take a bladder full of gall to condemn publicly what others are perceived to be doing when the accusers themselves are committing far worse crimes and have been doing it for a long time.
It is this kind of pretentious moral superiority that sticks in the craw and gives substance to accusations of double standards. It seems there is no moral equivalence between the west and the rest of the world. The west has been given, it would seem, a moral licence from up above to do as it pleases, when it pleases.
President George W. Bush has said he gets his directions from the deities-or rather a single deity-implying, of course, that he has divine sanction for his actions. Others, who do not pretend to such communion, must follow man-made laws.
I was reminded of such sanctimonious humbug when attending the 20th anniversary conference of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative over two weeks ago. Last Sunday I said I would return to that subject because of the announcement that the British Government is funding a four-year programme to build human rights capacity in the British Overseas Territories with the help of three Commonwealth NGOs.
Interestingly of the two British Government departments involved are the Department for International Development (DfID) and Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO). Why interestingly, will become clearer later. However it might be said immediately that in trying to bring human rights to British overseas’ territories (colonies really but the word is not politically correct these days) the British Government has made a serious omission. It has left out the British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT), a fiction created by the British to detach the Chagos islands archipelago from Mauritius and to deliberately mislead the United Nations in order to complete a secret deal with the United States to establish a military base on Diego Garcia, the main island.
As pressure for decolonisation built up round the world the UN passed Declaration 1514 in 1960 which held that all colonial peoples had an inalienable right to independence without conditions and alien subjugation was a “denial of fundamental human rights….” Instead of decolonisation Britain created the new colony of BIOT and took the Chagos archipelago from Mauritius on the promise of early independence for it.
The Anglo-American machinations alerted the UN whose General Assembly passed resolution 2066 of 1965 calling on the British Government “to take no action which would dismember the territory of Mauritius and violate its territorial integrity.” This was blithely ignored by Britain which went ahead anyway by creating the BIOT in November 1965 by amalgamating Chagos with some islands detached from the Seychelles. So much for respect for the United Nations and its resolutions!
When the secret negotiations with the US started in 1964 the Americans wanted not only Diego Garcia but the surrounding island cleared of any people. “Sanitised” and “swept” were the words the Americans used in documents released much later under the Freedom of Information Act, to achieve one of the clearest cases of ethnic cleansing in recent colonial history.
Hundreds of pages of documents, most of them marked secret, released to the public show that the governor of the Seychelles Sir Bruce Greatbatch was put in charge of “sanitising” the islands. He did such a great job of it. He summarily and forcibly evicted nearly 2000 persons from the islands mostly from Diego Garcia and literally dumped them in Mauritius-and some in the Seychelles- with only a suitcase each of their worldly possessions.
What is more Sir Bruce got rid of over 1000 dogs, pets of the Ilois or Chagossian people, by gassing the whole lot. At a Whitehall meeting prior to the eviction of the indigenous people, the Treasury representative “greatly preferred the ideal of a complete sterilisation in the islands.”
In order to avoid condemnation by the UN and others, Britain, supported by the US which could not care less what happened to the local population as long as they were dumped elsewhere, propagated the fiction that they were not permanent residents on the islands but “transient” workers employed as contract labour on the copra plantations.
By doing so British politicians and officials lied and misled the UN. Moreover neither the British nor the US ever told the truth to the government and people of Mauritius that the Chagos Islands were removed to build a military facility on Diego Garcia.They even lied to their own people. The secret deal entered into by Prime Minister Harold Wilson and the US was not known to the House of Commons or to Congress until about two decades later. Nor were they told about the virtual kidnapping of the islanders and their being dumped some 1000 miles away to live in poverty and destitution.
Article 7 of the statute of the International Criminal Court describes the “deportation or forcible transfer of population……..by expulsion or other coercive acts” as a crime against humanity. Not only are Britain and the US guilty of such a crime, the British Government has also shown its sheer contempt for the rule of law. It resorted to that archaic, centuries old Royal Prerogative- the Order-in-Council- to undermine the decisions of three British courts that ruled the eviction of the Chagossians, who had lived on those islands for at least two generations and some for five or more, was unjust and illegal.
In May 2006 the High Court in London in its ruling said: “The suggestion that a minister can, through an order-in-council exile a whole population from a British Overseas Territory and claim that he is doing so for the peace, order and good government of the territory is repugnant.”
Even then the British Government would not relent and was determined to nullify court rulings.In May this year the Appeal Court struck down an appeal against the earlier verdict that allowed the Chagossians to return home. Now the government has gone to the highest court, the House of Lords which is expected to hear the case some time next year.
The so-called “lease” under which the US military base continues, is due to end in 2016 but could be extended for another 20 years.
The US would not want to give it up because not only is it used as a base for air attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq (and Iran if war ever breaks out between them) but it is also said to be used as a detention centre for terror suspects as part of the US “rendition” process where torture of ‘prisoners’ is not unknown.
In fact it is said that Hambali (Riduan Isamuddin) the leader of the terrorist group Jemaah Islamiyah responsible for 2002 terrorist bombing in Bali is currently held in Diego Garcia where there is a secret facility for “ghost detainees” or “new disappeared”. The fact is that even today the people who were abducted and then abandoned in violation of UN declarations and resolutions and of international law are being denied their human rights.
The lies have continued over the years. Governments have conspired to keep the truth from their own elected representatives and their people and indeed the world. This conspiracy of silence and deceit is one of the most shameful episodes in British and US history. Yet the UK and US and their representatives strike a holier than thou posture though they have poor credentials, as credible preachers of morality.
(http://www.sundaytimes.lk/070930/Columns/thoughts.html)
Their preaching, not confined to the Sabbath, might have had moral validity had they practised for the world to see what they preach so universally. I don’t mean Messrs Blake and Chilcott (super power first, you would notice) personally but the countries they represent.
Since they represent their countries (or lie on behalf of them as the job description of diplomats goes) they must accept the strictures directed at their own countries since they have tried so cleverly to cover the mote in their eyes while pointing their fingers at others.
It would appear that if their countries violate the widely accepted moral code and international law such conduct is justified on the premise that they are fighting terrorism. However if others step out of line even marginally what is sauce for the goose does not apply to the gander.
This is not to say that one should brazenly or even tangently violate human rights or the rule of law if such conduct could be avoided. To fall back on another old saying two wrongs do not make a right, and all that. But it does take a bladder full of gall to condemn publicly what others are perceived to be doing when the accusers themselves are committing far worse crimes and have been doing it for a long time.
It is this kind of pretentious moral superiority that sticks in the craw and gives substance to accusations of double standards. It seems there is no moral equivalence between the west and the rest of the world. The west has been given, it would seem, a moral licence from up above to do as it pleases, when it pleases.
President George W. Bush has said he gets his directions from the deities-or rather a single deity-implying, of course, that he has divine sanction for his actions. Others, who do not pretend to such communion, must follow man-made laws.
I was reminded of such sanctimonious humbug when attending the 20th anniversary conference of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative over two weeks ago. Last Sunday I said I would return to that subject because of the announcement that the British Government is funding a four-year programme to build human rights capacity in the British Overseas Territories with the help of three Commonwealth NGOs.
Interestingly of the two British Government departments involved are the Department for International Development (DfID) and Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO). Why interestingly, will become clearer later. However it might be said immediately that in trying to bring human rights to British overseas’ territories (colonies really but the word is not politically correct these days) the British Government has made a serious omission. It has left out the British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT), a fiction created by the British to detach the Chagos islands archipelago from Mauritius and to deliberately mislead the United Nations in order to complete a secret deal with the United States to establish a military base on Diego Garcia, the main island.
As pressure for decolonisation built up round the world the UN passed Declaration 1514 in 1960 which held that all colonial peoples had an inalienable right to independence without conditions and alien subjugation was a “denial of fundamental human rights….” Instead of decolonisation Britain created the new colony of BIOT and took the Chagos archipelago from Mauritius on the promise of early independence for it.
The Anglo-American machinations alerted the UN whose General Assembly passed resolution 2066 of 1965 calling on the British Government “to take no action which would dismember the territory of Mauritius and violate its territorial integrity.” This was blithely ignored by Britain which went ahead anyway by creating the BIOT in November 1965 by amalgamating Chagos with some islands detached from the Seychelles. So much for respect for the United Nations and its resolutions!
When the secret negotiations with the US started in 1964 the Americans wanted not only Diego Garcia but the surrounding island cleared of any people. “Sanitised” and “swept” were the words the Americans used in documents released much later under the Freedom of Information Act, to achieve one of the clearest cases of ethnic cleansing in recent colonial history.
Hundreds of pages of documents, most of them marked secret, released to the public show that the governor of the Seychelles Sir Bruce Greatbatch was put in charge of “sanitising” the islands. He did such a great job of it. He summarily and forcibly evicted nearly 2000 persons from the islands mostly from Diego Garcia and literally dumped them in Mauritius-and some in the Seychelles- with only a suitcase each of their worldly possessions.
What is more Sir Bruce got rid of over 1000 dogs, pets of the Ilois or Chagossian people, by gassing the whole lot. At a Whitehall meeting prior to the eviction of the indigenous people, the Treasury representative “greatly preferred the ideal of a complete sterilisation in the islands.”
In order to avoid condemnation by the UN and others, Britain, supported by the US which could not care less what happened to the local population as long as they were dumped elsewhere, propagated the fiction that they were not permanent residents on the islands but “transient” workers employed as contract labour on the copra plantations.
By doing so British politicians and officials lied and misled the UN. Moreover neither the British nor the US ever told the truth to the government and people of Mauritius that the Chagos Islands were removed to build a military facility on Diego Garcia.They even lied to their own people. The secret deal entered into by Prime Minister Harold Wilson and the US was not known to the House of Commons or to Congress until about two decades later. Nor were they told about the virtual kidnapping of the islanders and their being dumped some 1000 miles away to live in poverty and destitution.
Article 7 of the statute of the International Criminal Court describes the “deportation or forcible transfer of population……..by expulsion or other coercive acts” as a crime against humanity. Not only are Britain and the US guilty of such a crime, the British Government has also shown its sheer contempt for the rule of law. It resorted to that archaic, centuries old Royal Prerogative- the Order-in-Council- to undermine the decisions of three British courts that ruled the eviction of the Chagossians, who had lived on those islands for at least two generations and some for five or more, was unjust and illegal.
In May 2006 the High Court in London in its ruling said: “The suggestion that a minister can, through an order-in-council exile a whole population from a British Overseas Territory and claim that he is doing so for the peace, order and good government of the territory is repugnant.”
Even then the British Government would not relent and was determined to nullify court rulings.In May this year the Appeal Court struck down an appeal against the earlier verdict that allowed the Chagossians to return home. Now the government has gone to the highest court, the House of Lords which is expected to hear the case some time next year.
The so-called “lease” under which the US military base continues, is due to end in 2016 but could be extended for another 20 years.
The US would not want to give it up because not only is it used as a base for air attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq (and Iran if war ever breaks out between them) but it is also said to be used as a detention centre for terror suspects as part of the US “rendition” process where torture of ‘prisoners’ is not unknown.
In fact it is said that Hambali (Riduan Isamuddin) the leader of the terrorist group Jemaah Islamiyah responsible for 2002 terrorist bombing in Bali is currently held in Diego Garcia where there is a secret facility for “ghost detainees” or “new disappeared”. The fact is that even today the people who were abducted and then abandoned in violation of UN declarations and resolutions and of international law are being denied their human rights.
The lies have continued over the years. Governments have conspired to keep the truth from their own elected representatives and their people and indeed the world. This conspiracy of silence and deceit is one of the most shameful episodes in British and US history. Yet the UK and US and their representatives strike a holier than thou posture though they have poor credentials, as credible preachers of morality.
(http://www.sundaytimes.lk/070930/Columns/thoughts.html)
Navy Disturbs Mannar-Pallimunai LTTE Supply Line
A special search team of the Sri Lanka Navy recovered a large stock of items which were laid in the beach areas of Katupalliya in Pallimunai close to Mannar around 3.15 a.m. today (01).
These items included:
Two (02)-Out Board Motor engines (9.9 & 15 Horse Power)
541 -Various types of Gaskets
335 -Motor cycle spark plugs
141 -Oil seal sets
98 -Kick starter paddels
And a large number of motor cycle spare parts.
The Pallimunai coast which is under continuous surveillance both from the land and from the sea side by the naval patrols noted attempts made by the tigers to increase smuggling activities during the last couple of months.
Naval troops geared with credible intelligence to say that the tigers in Vedithalathivu area (North of Mannar) are in desperate need of fuel, low Horse Powered motor engines, medicine items, boat spare parts, boat repairing items etc have geared up in all aspects to counter same being loaded to boats. As the land track seems to be difficult, the tigers have tried to take the sea route for their smuggling activities. As usual tigers have opted to take the cover of the innocent fishermen in order to hide their selves if intercepted out at sea.
A large number of information have been received by the navy (primarily from the local fishermen) and they have acted upon these to apprehend such items prior them been loaded to small boats. The tigers have always used to take their consignment to the beach areas of Pallimunai in order to be transported via sea. Surprised and timely search operations in the beach areas have thus far prevented those items being ended up in the tiger's hands.
Naval troops on 29th April this year recovered two (02) Hand Tractors, Tw0 (02) Out Board Motors, 1470 Ltrs of Diesel and a large number pf poly sack bags from Pesalai.
A significant recovery was made by the sailors on the 02nd of July when they searched a jungle area in an area called Karsal in Mannar and were able to recover ten (10) boxes of high explosives (C4) concealed in a 2000 Liter water tank. Meanwhile naval troops on the same day recovered arms and ammunition from Embalinagar in Mannar. These include T 56 weapons, ammunitions, magzines, 40mm Grenade launchers and 01 Kg of Gelignite.
Again on 27th July Navy recovered fuel items and some tires which were hidden in Pallimunai beach area.
These attempts by the tigers to smuggle items to mainly Vidithalathivu area and the effort put on by the sailors in Mannar area to avoid same has turned in favor of the Navy. The Navy has understood the importance of breaking the supply networks of tigers both internationally and locally in order to starve the tigers militarily.
(http://www.asiantribune.com/index.php?q=node/7603)
These items included:
Two (02)-Out Board Motor engines (9.9 & 15 Horse Power)
541 -Various types of Gaskets
335 -Motor cycle spark plugs
141 -Oil seal sets
98 -Kick starter paddels
And a large number of motor cycle spare parts.
The Pallimunai coast which is under continuous surveillance both from the land and from the sea side by the naval patrols noted attempts made by the tigers to increase smuggling activities during the last couple of months.
Naval troops geared with credible intelligence to say that the tigers in Vedithalathivu area (North of Mannar) are in desperate need of fuel, low Horse Powered motor engines, medicine items, boat spare parts, boat repairing items etc have geared up in all aspects to counter same being loaded to boats. As the land track seems to be difficult, the tigers have tried to take the sea route for their smuggling activities. As usual tigers have opted to take the cover of the innocent fishermen in order to hide their selves if intercepted out at sea.
A large number of information have been received by the navy (primarily from the local fishermen) and they have acted upon these to apprehend such items prior them been loaded to small boats. The tigers have always used to take their consignment to the beach areas of Pallimunai in order to be transported via sea. Surprised and timely search operations in the beach areas have thus far prevented those items being ended up in the tiger's hands.
Naval troops on 29th April this year recovered two (02) Hand Tractors, Tw0 (02) Out Board Motors, 1470 Ltrs of Diesel and a large number pf poly sack bags from Pesalai.
A significant recovery was made by the sailors on the 02nd of July when they searched a jungle area in an area called Karsal in Mannar and were able to recover ten (10) boxes of high explosives (C4) concealed in a 2000 Liter water tank. Meanwhile naval troops on the same day recovered arms and ammunition from Embalinagar in Mannar. These include T 56 weapons, ammunitions, magzines, 40mm Grenade launchers and 01 Kg of Gelignite.
Again on 27th July Navy recovered fuel items and some tires which were hidden in Pallimunai beach area.
These attempts by the tigers to smuggle items to mainly Vidithalathivu area and the effort put on by the sailors in Mannar area to avoid same has turned in favor of the Navy. The Navy has understood the importance of breaking the supply networks of tigers both internationally and locally in order to starve the tigers militarily.
(http://www.asiantribune.com/index.php?q=node/7603)
‘Tamil people are in LTTE’s bondage’
“I think the most important lesson is that we should not let things develop in Sri Lanka which would require the intervention of even our best and closest neighbour. We should learn to resolve our own disputes within our country… Peace is not far away… I do not believe in or seek a military solution,” says President of Sri Lanka, Mahinda Rajapaksa, talking to Hardnews Colombo Bureau Chief Bandula Jayasekara
The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord signed on July 28, 1987 completed its 20th anniversary recently. Does the accord still have relevance?
It is necessary to understand that subjective conditions have changed since this accord was signed 20 years ago. The situation in the east of Sri Lanka has changed significantly with the government being able to liberate it from the LTTE. There is also the decision of the Supreme Court which held that the temporary merger of the north and east carried out under the accord was not legally valid. It is necessary for us to respect the views of the highest judiciary of the country. Also, while we can see these changes, there is one unchanged factor still in place which the accord sought to change. I refer to the fact that the LTTE is still carrying arms and threatening the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. They have not abandoned the demand for a separate state within the territory of Sri Lanka.
As to the relevance of the accord, there was a symposium held in Colombo to mark 20 years of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord where many interesting points were made by Indian and Sri Lankan analysts about the success and failure of this agreement. It is necessary to view the accord in the context of the many changes that have taken place since it was signed. What are the lessons to be learnt from the accord? I think the most important lesson is that we should not let things develop in Sri Lanka which would require the intervention of even our best and closest neighbour. We should learn to resolve our own disputes within our country. Another lesson is the need for a more inclusive democracy in our country where no section of the people is left out of power structures. We should be able to better manage inter-communal relations among our people and provide all sections of the people with the necessary constitutional guarantees. They should not feel excluded from power or discriminated against.
Do you seriously think peace in Sri Lanka is possible in the near future?
Yes, I think peace is possible in the near future. Of course, with this dispute dragging with more than two decades of violent conflict, there can be a question of what is meant by the near future. But I think peace is not far away. My government is consciously working towards peace. I think it can be achieved sooner than many think.
How do you achieve it?
There are many approaches possible for peace. We shall have to settle for the best.
It must meet the aspirations of the Tamil people who are at present held in bondage by the LTTE. Whatever solution that we find must have the acceptance of all the people of Sri Lanka. This is where consensus, understanding and give and take are required.
Some feel your stress has been more to look for a resolution of the conflict at the military level and not so much at the political level. Is that correct?
This is totally incorrect. I do not believe in or seek a military solution. I firmly believe in a political solution. But one must not forget that the enemy, I face, is fully armed. It believes in violence and terror. It has shown no serious interest in a negotiated political solution. In that situation, I am duty bound to defend my country and its people. There are situations when a military response is needed for armed attacks on the government, its property and the people. That does not mean I seek a military solution.
How do you go about the devolution package where aspirations of people in the north and east are realised?
As I have repeatedly stated, it is my policy, and also in keeping with the mandate I have received, to bring about the widest possible measure of devolution which will meet the aspirations of the people in the north, east and rest of the country. We must be aware of the aspirations of all our people, and work towards a solution reflecting those aspirations. We must not be unfair towards any section of the people. When our policies are based on justice and fair-play for all, I think we can bring about the best devolution for the country and the people.
You have been insisting that India has to get involved in the peace process to make it workable at some time or the other. But given the political realities in New Delhi, do you think this is feasible in the next few months or years?
I believe in the important and useful role that India can play in helping resolve this crisis. I am also aware of the political realities in New Delhi. I cannot be blind to these realities. Nor can I set a time-table for India to get involved in the peace process here. But I fully appreciate how India has controlled the activities of the LTTE in Tamil Nadu which has been reported in recent months. Such co¬operation is most encouraging.
Is LTTE the cause or the effect of the decade long ethnic strife in Sri Lanka?
All I can say is that the LTTE is very much the cause of most of the violence and terror this country has witnessed in the past decade. As for ethnic strife, it is a larger issue. This goes much beyond a decade and requires a serious political solution.
(http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/portal/2007/10/1362)
The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord signed on July 28, 1987 completed its 20th anniversary recently. Does the accord still have relevance?
It is necessary to understand that subjective conditions have changed since this accord was signed 20 years ago. The situation in the east of Sri Lanka has changed significantly with the government being able to liberate it from the LTTE. There is also the decision of the Supreme Court which held that the temporary merger of the north and east carried out under the accord was not legally valid. It is necessary for us to respect the views of the highest judiciary of the country. Also, while we can see these changes, there is one unchanged factor still in place which the accord sought to change. I refer to the fact that the LTTE is still carrying arms and threatening the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. They have not abandoned the demand for a separate state within the territory of Sri Lanka.
As to the relevance of the accord, there was a symposium held in Colombo to mark 20 years of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord where many interesting points were made by Indian and Sri Lankan analysts about the success and failure of this agreement. It is necessary to view the accord in the context of the many changes that have taken place since it was signed. What are the lessons to be learnt from the accord? I think the most important lesson is that we should not let things develop in Sri Lanka which would require the intervention of even our best and closest neighbour. We should learn to resolve our own disputes within our country. Another lesson is the need for a more inclusive democracy in our country where no section of the people is left out of power structures. We should be able to better manage inter-communal relations among our people and provide all sections of the people with the necessary constitutional guarantees. They should not feel excluded from power or discriminated against.
Do you seriously think peace in Sri Lanka is possible in the near future?
Yes, I think peace is possible in the near future. Of course, with this dispute dragging with more than two decades of violent conflict, there can be a question of what is meant by the near future. But I think peace is not far away. My government is consciously working towards peace. I think it can be achieved sooner than many think.
How do you achieve it?
There are many approaches possible for peace. We shall have to settle for the best.
It must meet the aspirations of the Tamil people who are at present held in bondage by the LTTE. Whatever solution that we find must have the acceptance of all the people of Sri Lanka. This is where consensus, understanding and give and take are required.
Some feel your stress has been more to look for a resolution of the conflict at the military level and not so much at the political level. Is that correct?
This is totally incorrect. I do not believe in or seek a military solution. I firmly believe in a political solution. But one must not forget that the enemy, I face, is fully armed. It believes in violence and terror. It has shown no serious interest in a negotiated political solution. In that situation, I am duty bound to defend my country and its people. There are situations when a military response is needed for armed attacks on the government, its property and the people. That does not mean I seek a military solution.
How do you go about the devolution package where aspirations of people in the north and east are realised?
As I have repeatedly stated, it is my policy, and also in keeping with the mandate I have received, to bring about the widest possible measure of devolution which will meet the aspirations of the people in the north, east and rest of the country. We must be aware of the aspirations of all our people, and work towards a solution reflecting those aspirations. We must not be unfair towards any section of the people. When our policies are based on justice and fair-play for all, I think we can bring about the best devolution for the country and the people.
You have been insisting that India has to get involved in the peace process to make it workable at some time or the other. But given the political realities in New Delhi, do you think this is feasible in the next few months or years?
I believe in the important and useful role that India can play in helping resolve this crisis. I am also aware of the political realities in New Delhi. I cannot be blind to these realities. Nor can I set a time-table for India to get involved in the peace process here. But I fully appreciate how India has controlled the activities of the LTTE in Tamil Nadu which has been reported in recent months. Such co¬operation is most encouraging.
Is LTTE the cause or the effect of the decade long ethnic strife in Sri Lanka?
All I can say is that the LTTE is very much the cause of most of the violence and terror this country has witnessed in the past decade. As for ethnic strife, it is a larger issue. This goes much beyond a decade and requires a serious political solution.
(http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/portal/2007/10/1362)
‘Tamil people are in LTTE’s bondage’
“I think the most important lesson is that we should not let things develop in Sri Lanka which would require the intervention of even our best and closest neighbour. We should learn to resolve our own disputes within our country… Peace is not far away… I do not believe in or seek a military solution,” says President of Sri Lanka, Mahinda Rajapaksa, talking to Hardnews Colombo Bureau Chief Bandula Jayasekara
The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord signed on July 28, 1987 completed its 20th anniversary recently. Does the accord still have relevance?
It is necessary to understand that subjective conditions have changed since this accord was signed 20 years ago. The situation in the east of Sri Lanka has changed significantly with the government being able to liberate it from the LTTE. There is also the decision of the Supreme Court which held that the temporary merger of the north and east carried out under the accord was not legally valid. It is necessary for us to respect the views of the highest judiciary of the country. Also, while we can see these changes, there is one unchanged factor still in place which the accord sought to change. I refer to the fact that the LTTE is still carrying arms and threatening the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. They have not abandoned the demand for a separate state within the territory of Sri Lanka.
As to the relevance of the accord, there was a symposium held in Colombo to mark 20 years of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord where many interesting points were made by Indian and Sri Lankan analysts about the success and failure of this agreement. It is necessary to view the accord in the context of the many changes that have taken place since it was signed. What are the lessons to be learnt from the accord? I think the most important lesson is that we should not let things develop in Sri Lanka which would require the intervention of even our best and closest neighbour. We should learn to resolve our own disputes within our country. Another lesson is the need for a more inclusive democracy in our country where no section of the people is left out of power structures. We should be able to better manage inter-communal relations among our people and provide all sections of the people with the necessary constitutional guarantees. They should not feel excluded from power or discriminated against.
Do you seriously think peace in Sri Lanka is possible in the near future?
Yes, I think peace is possible in the near future. Of course, with this dispute dragging with more than two decades of violent conflict, there can be a question of what is meant by the near future. But I think peace is not far away. My government is consciously working towards peace. I think it can be achieved sooner than many think.
How do you achieve it?
There are many approaches possible for peace. We shall have to settle for the best.
It must meet the aspirations of the Tamil people who are at present held in bondage by the LTTE. Whatever solution that we find must have the acceptance of all the people of Sri Lanka. This is where consensus, understanding and give and take are required.
Some feel your stress has been more to look for a resolution of the conflict at the military level and not so much at the political level. Is that correct?
This is totally incorrect. I do not believe in or seek a military solution. I firmly believe in a political solution. But one must not forget that the enemy, I face, is fully armed. It believes in violence and terror. It has shown no serious interest in a negotiated political solution. In that situation, I am duty bound to defend my country and its people. There are situations when a military response is needed for armed attacks on the government, its property and the people. That does not mean I seek a military solution.
How do you go about the devolution package where aspirations of people in the north and east are realised?
As I have repeatedly stated, it is my policy, and also in keeping with the mandate I have received, to bring about the widest possible measure of devolution which will meet the aspirations of the people in the north, east and rest of the country. We must be aware of the aspirations of all our people, and work towards a solution reflecting those aspirations. We must not be unfair towards any section of the people. When our policies are based on justice and fair-play for all, I think we can bring about the best devolution for the country and the people.
You have been insisting that India has to get involved in the peace process to make it workable at some time or the other. But given the political realities in New Delhi, do you think this is feasible in the next few months or years?
I believe in the important and useful role that India can play in helping resolve this crisis. I am also aware of the political realities in New Delhi. I cannot be blind to these realities. Nor can I set a time-table for India to get involved in the peace process here. But I fully appreciate how India has controlled the activities of the LTTE in Tamil Nadu which has been reported in recent months. Such co¬operation is most encouraging.
Is LTTE the cause or the effect of the decade long ethnic strife in Sri Lanka?
All I can say is that the LTTE is very much the cause of most of the violence and terror this country has witnessed in the past decade. As for ethnic strife, it is a larger issue. This goes much beyond a decade and requires a serious political solution.
(http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/portal/2007/10/1362)
The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord signed on July 28, 1987 completed its 20th anniversary recently. Does the accord still have relevance?
It is necessary to understand that subjective conditions have changed since this accord was signed 20 years ago. The situation in the east of Sri Lanka has changed significantly with the government being able to liberate it from the LTTE. There is also the decision of the Supreme Court which held that the temporary merger of the north and east carried out under the accord was not legally valid. It is necessary for us to respect the views of the highest judiciary of the country. Also, while we can see these changes, there is one unchanged factor still in place which the accord sought to change. I refer to the fact that the LTTE is still carrying arms and threatening the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. They have not abandoned the demand for a separate state within the territory of Sri Lanka.
As to the relevance of the accord, there was a symposium held in Colombo to mark 20 years of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord where many interesting points were made by Indian and Sri Lankan analysts about the success and failure of this agreement. It is necessary to view the accord in the context of the many changes that have taken place since it was signed. What are the lessons to be learnt from the accord? I think the most important lesson is that we should not let things develop in Sri Lanka which would require the intervention of even our best and closest neighbour. We should learn to resolve our own disputes within our country. Another lesson is the need for a more inclusive democracy in our country where no section of the people is left out of power structures. We should be able to better manage inter-communal relations among our people and provide all sections of the people with the necessary constitutional guarantees. They should not feel excluded from power or discriminated against.
Do you seriously think peace in Sri Lanka is possible in the near future?
Yes, I think peace is possible in the near future. Of course, with this dispute dragging with more than two decades of violent conflict, there can be a question of what is meant by the near future. But I think peace is not far away. My government is consciously working towards peace. I think it can be achieved sooner than many think.
How do you achieve it?
There are many approaches possible for peace. We shall have to settle for the best.
It must meet the aspirations of the Tamil people who are at present held in bondage by the LTTE. Whatever solution that we find must have the acceptance of all the people of Sri Lanka. This is where consensus, understanding and give and take are required.
Some feel your stress has been more to look for a resolution of the conflict at the military level and not so much at the political level. Is that correct?
This is totally incorrect. I do not believe in or seek a military solution. I firmly believe in a political solution. But one must not forget that the enemy, I face, is fully armed. It believes in violence and terror. It has shown no serious interest in a negotiated political solution. In that situation, I am duty bound to defend my country and its people. There are situations when a military response is needed for armed attacks on the government, its property and the people. That does not mean I seek a military solution.
How do you go about the devolution package where aspirations of people in the north and east are realised?
As I have repeatedly stated, it is my policy, and also in keeping with the mandate I have received, to bring about the widest possible measure of devolution which will meet the aspirations of the people in the north, east and rest of the country. We must be aware of the aspirations of all our people, and work towards a solution reflecting those aspirations. We must not be unfair towards any section of the people. When our policies are based on justice and fair-play for all, I think we can bring about the best devolution for the country and the people.
You have been insisting that India has to get involved in the peace process to make it workable at some time or the other. But given the political realities in New Delhi, do you think this is feasible in the next few months or years?
I believe in the important and useful role that India can play in helping resolve this crisis. I am also aware of the political realities in New Delhi. I cannot be blind to these realities. Nor can I set a time-table for India to get involved in the peace process here. But I fully appreciate how India has controlled the activities of the LTTE in Tamil Nadu which has been reported in recent months. Such co¬operation is most encouraging.
Is LTTE the cause or the effect of the decade long ethnic strife in Sri Lanka?
All I can say is that the LTTE is very much the cause of most of the violence and terror this country has witnessed in the past decade. As for ethnic strife, it is a larger issue. This goes much beyond a decade and requires a serious political solution.
(http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/portal/2007/10/1362)
Mannar: After the battles
A house sealed by the Army to prevent looting at Silavatturai
A grave humanitarian crisis has developed in Manthai West, the uncleared area north of Mannar following the latest bout of fighting with thousands of people forced to live in the open jungle without any shelter. Bishop of Mannar Rt. Rev. Rayappu Joseph, who placed the total number now displaced north of Mannar at about 20,000, said many of them were without food, medicine and shelter and was especially critical of the ICRC for not rushing in assistance without waiting for security guarantees.
According to the Bishop between 9000 and 10,000 people were displaced in the uncleared areas of Manthai West since the latest bout of fighting from August 29. This was in addition to an equal number displaced in earlier fighting in May and June. Adding to the problem has been a recent LTTE directive to displaced people not to take refuge in the Madhu Church complex, which according to Bishop Joseph had been home to as much as 36,000 IDPs in 1990. The LTTE had issued the order fearing that the forces would capture Madhu with the displaced, hence its decision to move them to the interior.
Heaping further burdens on the humanitarian efforts is the closure of the Uylankulam entry/exit point by the ICRC demanding security guarantees after the latest bout of fighting. As a result all relief must travel to the area through Omantai and Kilinochchi.
In April the Catholic Bishop’s Conference in Sri Lanka in a written plea to President Rajapaksa requested him to declare “the Shrine of Our Lady of Madhu as a Neutral Area and a Zone of Peace” through a gazette declaration, but there has only been a verbal assurance from the President that forces will not take Madhu.
Security Forces Commander Wanni Maj. Gen Jagath Jayasuriya, while assuring that they would be careful about the church, fears that if a no-fire-zone extending to a two kilometre radius around the church is declared as requested it would become a haven for the LTTE. Gen Jayasuriya insists they have hard evidence from technical interceptions that the LTTE was already directing artillery fire from the periphery of the church.
Certain religious leaders have also warned that any attempt by the government to capture Madhu would result in Tigers destroying the shrine considered sacred by many Catholics in Sri Lanka.
Reacting to the Church allegations, Head of the ICRC Sub-delegation in Vavuniya, Claire Meytraud said that the biggest problem in taking assistance to those displaced was the fact they were scattered far and wide.
Ms. Meytraud said it was the duty of Mannar GA to demarcate a proper location to house those refugees. But, Mannar GA A. Nicholaspillai said the best place to house all of them was the Madhu shrine as it already had the necessary buildings and other infrastructure.
Also rejecting charges that they had done nothing to assist those displaced, Ms Meytraud said that in fact they had provided essential household items, mosquito nets, baby parcels and tarpaulins to displaced families at Athnamodai, Kovikulam, and Koorai totaling about 600 families last week and they had also cleaned a number of wells in those areas. And this week they were in the process of assisting displaced who had taken shelter at Kallayadi and Illukpaikadavai further to the North.
She said as there were many other INGOs and NGOs involved in distribution of assistance “the idea is not to compete, but to complement each other in assisting the victims.”
Mr. Nicholaspillai said the authorities can help the people to stand on their own feet by taking such measures as allowing night fishing and permitting the transport of some 16,000 gunny bags to Manthai West as they are urgently needed for the harvesting of about 1200 acres of paddy. The authorities have only permitted the transport of 2400 gunny bags. The area is also reeling from a shortage of fuel.The latest humanitarian crisis in the LTTE held areas was sparked off on August 29 evening when the LTTE unleashed a barrage of artillery on Army positions in the Mannar area probably sensing the build up of security forces for the impending lightning move to capture Silavatturai area south of Mannar and the Army retaliated on LTTE positions.
Some of those displaced from Silavatturai and Arippu told The Sunday Times that the LTTE had told them three days before the fall of those areas that they were leaving as the army was headed that way and asked the people to take whatever decision they wished.
Military sources said the military build up in the region would have been obvious to many, but they were kept guessing as to whether the army was moving south or North of the main supply route leading to Mannar. So much so the enemy had fled Silavatturai leaving behind a huge quantity of artillery shells, explosives, ammunition, weaponry and even a suicide boat all rigged ready to explode.
The latest communiqué from the Inter Agency Standing Committee (IASC) representing the INGOs operating in the North and East states that AGA, Manthai West reported on September 17 that 2078 IDP families (8,405 individuals) from 11 villages have been displaced since August 29 and the displacement continues.
On Tuesday September 25 morning when we were in the Murunkan region there was a fresh exchange of artillery, which according to Tamil sources was sparked by a new troop movement in the region, but the army insisted that one of its forward patrols had come under fire.
Following is a list of some of the measures taken by other INGOs to help alleviate the developing humanitarian crisis in the Manthai West as published by the IASC.
Shelter
Caritas-Hudec built two temporary sheds [50’ x 20’] in the Mulankavil area [Poonakary] to accommodate the 11 IDPs families displaced from Manthai West and now settled in the Mulankavil Catholic Church. World Vision reports that 25 temporary shelters out of a planned 200 shelters are partially complete in Vellankulam village in Mannar for newly resettled IDP families. On 19 September, FORUT handed over 66 temporary shelters to IDPs settled in Poonakary and Karachchi AGA divisions Kilinochchi through Foreign Ministry of Norway funding.
On 19 September, UNHCR reported that since Jan 2007, 6,090 temporary shelters have been constructed by humanitarian actors for IDPs in the districts out of a committed 8,293 shelters. As at 19 September, the Danish Refugee Council (DRC) had started the construction of 100 new temporary shelters in the Pandiyankulam area for IDPs displaced in early 2007.
During the reporting period, Solidar completed the construction of 15 temporary shelters in Puthukkudiyiruppu AGA division [Mullaitivu] and 11 temporary shelters in Paaliyaru [Manthai West AGA division-Mannar]
Food
On 17 September, WFP transported 130 MT of wheat flour to Kilinochchi and 20 MT of dhal for Mullaitivu’s dry ration distribution. 236 newly displaced families from Mannar settled in the Mulankavil area [Poonakary] were given supplementary food packs for two weeks by Caritas-Hudec last week.
Water and sanitation
UNICEF conducted a hygiene promotion programme on 18 September at the Mulankavil School for 250 displaced students and seven teachers. ZOA continue bowsering water to six IDP locations in Mulankavil [Poonakary] and five IDP locations in the uncleared areas of Manthai West. World Vision bowsers water to three IDP locations.
Hudec–Caritas built two temporary toilets at the Mulankavil parish for 11 IDP families originating from Mannar.
NFRI
On 14 September, Save the Children in Sri Lanka (SCiSL) distributed NFRI items to 109 IDP families recently displaced from areas closer to the Mannar FDL. On 18 September, 274 newly displaced families settled in the Kovilkulam and Aathimoddai villages in Manthai West AGA division were given NFRI assistance by ICRC.
Hope on the horizon
Mannar region might be wracked by violence as the security forces clear the area of Tigers, but there is much hope for its future with international NGOs and donors undertaking many projects to develop it along with the lives of its people. One of the most visible projects to be undertaken there, according to area military commander Brig. Channa Gunatillake, will be the construction of a new bridge by the Japanese to replace the temporary iron bridge put up by the RDA. Along with the new bridge, the Japanese will also build a new causeway to connect the Mannar Island to the mainland.
Mannar GA A. Nicholaspillai said the twin projects now expected to be launched by the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) at a cost of Rs1800 million next month are an outright grant from the Japanese government.
The GA said the World Bank too has two ambitious projects going. Under its North East Irrigated Agricultural Project it has undertaken to restore damage caused to the ancient Giant Tank, while also raising its bund to increase its capacity and redoing its channels for better water distribution. The Bank is also funding a North East Housing Development Programme. The Asian Development Bank too has undertaken a project on Community Rehabilitation and Development. In addition there are more than a dozen INGOs working on various other projects in the district.
Mr. Nichlospillai was however critical of a decision by authorities to restrict cement allocation to Mannar to just ten per cent of its requirements. It has crippled the entire housing sector, including foreign funded housing projects, he said. Earlier on same security grounds authorities restricted fuel supply to Mannar to just 20 per cent, but it is no longer a major issue as they have raised it to 60 per cent, the GA noted.
Mannar Bishop Rt. Rev. Rayappu Joseph also criticizing these measures said that if there are people involved in smuggling they should be caught and punished. But the allegation was that they were bribing check points and doing it. But, Brig. Gunatillake said they have taken action against wrong doers, but the problem is smugglers do not go through road check points, but by boat to LTTE held areas. The supply of fuel is more than adequate for Mannar Island’s needs as proven by the fact that the quantity brought in is not consumed in the same month.
As far as cement was concerned, the area military commander said that while they did not allow huge quantities to be brought in at once, all construction projects are allowed to bring in their cement requirements depending on the progress of the projects.
Silavatturai: winning the peace is the difficult task ahead
Retaking the Mussali AGA’s division comprising mainly Arippu, Silavatturai and Mullikulam villages would have been, to borrow a colloquial term, a cinch and as Mannar Bishop Rayappu Joseph put it “not a single soldier got a scratch”, but what made the Tigers flee in haste without firing a shot would have been the biggest bogey bugging them at present, the army’s deep penetration units.
We visited the recaptured areas last Monday, but for our bad luck and that of a visiting two member TV team from the London independent Channel Four it was no cake walk. It turned out to be a bone crunching up and down journey. First it was a ride on a buffel troop carrier from Nanattan to Aruvi Aru (Malwatu Oya in Sinhala) ferry point on the outskirts of Arippu and after crossing the river by boat it was on a far worse bumpy journey.
We were put on a tractor trailer on a coastal road that had not been maintained for decades for our journey from Arippu to Silavatturai, a distance of about six kilometres. But our misery was shared by Maj. Subash Siriwardena and Lt. Indika Ratnayake as they accompanied us as our guides and protectors with a corporal. All three of them and the army driver were armed with their T-56s and flak jackets. We too were provided with army bullet proof vests. This journey certainly taught us what many of our soldiers are undergoing often on a daily basis.
Before undertaking the capture of Silavatturai the army had certainly done its homework, while it had massed its troops in the Mannar region in the run up to the swift operation, it had kept the LTTE guessing as to its exact motives. The LTTE had been so sure of the army moving to capture Madhu; it had ensured that not a single displaced took refuge there, while sending signals through religious dignitaries that it would blow up the shrine, if the army moves to capture it. While all this was going on the army reconnaissance missions had done their job, they had located the exact location of the Sea Tiger base at Kondachchi, Silavatuirai and given its exact coordinates to the air force pilots to score a bull’s eye in hitting the centre of the base.
When we visited the base we found it to be surrounded by small bunkers, which were totally invisible from above due to the tree cover and the bunkers being topped off with coconut tree trunks and sand bags almost at ground level. To prevent identification from above the Tigers had even buried plastic water storage barrels up to their necks in the sandy soil of the area. Such painstaking reconnaissance tactics certainly had the effect of sending the Tigers off rather hastily and the arsenal they had left behind was testimony to it.
We were able to view the recovered impressive LTTE arsenal at the army camp adjoining the Thirukeswaran Kovil in Mannar. Among the items recovered were more than a hundred 81 mm mortar rounds of Chinese make and much of the other recovered items too were of Chinese make, including stocks of tinned mackerel in tomato sauce gifted by China to the World Food Programme.
The Tamil argument that the army took the region without having to fire a single shot can be amply seen from the fact that not a single building there had been damaged and not even a single pock marked building was seen except for some long abandoned buildings after some previous fighting.
What the army must do now is to wage a fight to save its good name. And that could be a much difficult task, unless it acts fast. Already the Church has complained about the loss of some of its property.
Bishop Rayappu Joseph told The Sunday Times that a ten-member church delegation that visited the recaptured areas had found that a lap top belonging to a sister from Pakistan had gone missing from their mission house at Silavatturai along with a generator, amplifier and some speakers.
Rt. Rev. Joseph also complained that people were asked to quit Mussali region with an half hour’s notice with the promise that they would be allowed to return within five days, but now weeks have passed and authorities are showing no sign of allowing people to return.
As an interim measure, he said he had asked permission from the army to allow a single individual from each displaced family to visit their properties as they were apprehensive about protecting their life savings. But so far he has had no favourable reply.
Wanni Army Commander Maj. Gen. Jagath Jayasuriya however assured that no sooner the police was properly established in the area, they would permit one householder from each family visit their properties in the company of the area gramasevaka and the police to check on their households and any genuine losses should be compensated.
A new police station was being established in a building adjoining the Mussali AGA’s building. It was quite obvious to any visitor that people in these affected villages had left their homes in haste leaving all their possessions, taking only what they can carry. And they would not have carried much either as they had to take their children, the old and the sick. We ourselves saw some of the houses had been left with their doors and windows open. Furniture and other belongings inside these houses could be seen from the road. Houses that had been left closed were further sealed by the army with a sticker. Boats that were left on the beaches were being collected by the army and were being taken to Arippu by tractors so that returnees could later claim them.
Mannar area military commander Brig. Channa Gunatillake, himself a Roman Catholic said extreme care was taken to guard the properties that came under their care with all troop movements being placed under Military Police check.
Brig. Gunatillake said the losses reported by the church were isolated incidents and they had permitted the church delegation to visit the area without any hindrance. While they have done their own investigations, the police had been tasked to investigate it further.
“The church delegation saw for themselves the measures we have taken to secure the belongings of people left behind”, he said adding that once security measures are in place in a couple of more days it would not be difficult to verify any losses. But it is no easy task as the villages abandoned by fleeing civilians looked more like ghost towns with livestock left behind being the only living creatures we encountered other than occasional movements of soldiers.
(http://www.sundaytimes.lk/070930/News/news00016.html)
Heavy casualties as battles in north intensify
An Army armoured vehicle on patrol in Silavathurai
*LTTE adopting different tactics - new skirmishes in East and alleged plans to attack
Jaffna
*Security forces launch operation from Mannar and achieve two major objectives
For the past eight days the Security Forces have continued a major thrust from their defended localities near the Western seaboard town of Mannar. Though it is premature to discuss details related to the aims and objectives since the offensive is ongoing, a look at the overall scenario in the North, including the Wanni, reveals a stark picture.
The military thrust northwards, along the landmass west of the Giant's Tank and the seas of the Gulf of Mannar began on Monday September 24. The troops are advancing in the direction of Viduthaltivu. It was only last week that I disclosed that the Tiger guerrilla activity in this coastal village was causing concern for the security establishment. This was after intelligence reports that the guerrillas were using hideouts in the neighbouring southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu to stockpile military hardware.
They were smuggling them across the shallow Gulf of Mannar. Like all their previous offensive operations, the Security Forces have not given a name to the ongoing thrust. They have carefully avoided it to prevent creating the impression that the operations are offensive in nature and pre-planned - a move that would draw adverse comments from the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) that they constituted ceasefire violations. Yet, the fact that the ceasefire since February 2002 now remains only on paper is well-known.
For over a week now, the mood in areas west of Vavuniya town has changed. From some 16 miles away, within the defended localities near Periya Thampanai, ambulances loaded with wounded soldiers whiz past towards Vavuniya with their sirens wailing. The more serious cases are air lifted in helicopters to hospitals in Anuradhapura. Some of them are moved to Colombo later.
The troops are meeting heavy resistance. But they are trying to push ahead. Direct contact with their enemy is still limited. Mines and booby traps planted on their approach route caused most of the injuries. They moved cautiously to clear them when mortar barrages from the guerrillas keep falling in rapid succession. The official count has been placed at two soldiers killed and 20 more wounded. However, senior military officials in the area whom I spoke on the telephone said the figures were much higher.
On the day when this offensive was launched (Monday September 24) troops also staged attacks on the guerrillas from many other fronts. South of the Wanni, it included the general areas of Mannar, Vavuniya and Weli Oya. In one such offensive at Tampanai, an officer of the Sri Lanka Light Infantry (SLLI) has gone missing with conflicting reports about his fate. Some eye witnesses had claimed they saw him fall wounded due to mortar fire whilst others suspect he was captured. In the encounters that ensued at Tampanai, two soldiers were reported killed and 31 wounded. Attacks on guerrilla positions have also continued in Kilaly, Muhamalai and Nagerkovil areas. In Muhamalai a soldier was killed when they attacked and destroyed a guerilla bunker.
It is not immediately clear whether attacks on other guerrilla positions took place. Yesterday, Mi-24 helicopter gun ships of the Air Force were strafing several positions both north and south of the Wanni sector. On Friday Air Force jets bombed several locations in the general area of Mullaitivu. In the encounters at Kilali, according to official figures from the military two soldiers were killed and 18 wounded. Despite the string of attacks on other locations, the focus of the Security Forces, it became clear, was the thrust northwards from the general areas of Mannar.
This thrust assumes significance for a number of reasons. The recent Security Forces re-capture of Silavathurai and Arippu areas, military officials claimed, has denied them a staging area to plan attacks on the City of Colombo and suburbs. This is besides using the area as a facility to unload military hardware and medical supplies smuggled across the Gulf of Mannar. They claimed that securing the area, setting up a Police Post in Silavathurai and adopting other security measures, have provided more depth in protecting Mannar and its environs.
But a greater significance lies in securing a swathe of land north of Mannar, along the coast. Preventing guerrilla boat movements across the Gulf of Mannar, thus restricting logistics supplies is just one reason. However, a more important reason in securing a substantial stretch along the western seaboard (north of Mannar) would be the great advantage it affords the Security Forces. This is in preventing the exodus of refugees to South India - a serious cause for concern for both the Central Government in India as well as the State Government in Tamil Nadu. Hence, achieving the twin objective of blocking the induction of supplies into Sri Lanka and preventing an outflow of refugees will bolster the Government's plans to step up the military offensive against Tiger guerrillas in other areas in the Wanni and the North.
This naturally imposes considerable pressure on the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Unlike in the East, where it had not dominated territory and consolidated its position, the Wanni, the focus of major military thrusts, remains different. Having taken advantage of the Ceasefire Agreement of February 2002 that conferred a vast landmass for them in the Wanni, over the years the LTTE had built up a vast infrastructure.
They include their own "tax collection machinery, a police service, a judiciary, prisons, an administrative structure" and other measures that have prompted the guerrillas to say they were virtually a "State in waiting." Hence, the battles in the Wanni are so different from those in the East. They are not battles to keep or lose territory but to defend a successful structure they have efficiently built up during more than five years of the ceasefire. This is why they have offered fierce resistance to prevent any incursion by the Security Forces.
This is why slowly but surely some of the ground realities are changing, at least for the Tiger guerrillas. Conversely they have become a puzzle for the State intelligence agencies. The biggest question for them is whether the guerrillas would soon cross the threshold from maintaining a stricter defensive posture to assume an offensive role. Though it may not assume conventional proportions, there are increasing signs the guerrillas may be moving in this direction.
One is a move to destabilise the Government-controlled Jaffna peninsula. Intelligence sources say there has been a marked increase in the infiltration of cadres into the peninsula through Thanankilappu and Ariyalai, across the Kalmunai Point that is separated by the Kilali lagoon. The guerrillas, they say, have been continuously monitoring Naval movements in the area. The guerrillas have also been positioning artillery at Kalmunai Point and neighbouring Nagathevanthurai that lay in the tongue-shaped stretch of land south of the peninsula.
There has also been infiltration of guerrilla cadres to the outlying islands. "Even if the build-up is not to stage a conventional style attack, which is difficult for them, the plans may be to trigger off improvised explosive devices and other attacks to cause instability," warns an intelligence source familiar with guerrilla plans in the North. He says this is mainly to distract the Security Forces whose focus now remains the North, particularly the Wanni region.
Coupled together with reports that the guerrillas are planning attacks on both economic and military targets in areas outside the North and East, the threat in the peninsula has to be viewed seriously, says the source. Here again, the idea is to distract the attention of the Security Forces by creating situations where they will have to deploy elsewhere. Contrary to claims that the guerrillas have lost their capability to carry out such attacks, the same source adds, "it only takes one or two of them (the guerrillas) to trigger off some thing." We will need large numbers to keep them on the hop. That means we have to continue at a very high level of alert all the time, he points out.
In the light of this, there are other significant developments too. Though still not on a highly worrying scale, small numbers of guerrillas have become active in all three districts of the East - Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara. In Trincomalee there have been reports of guerrilla intelligence cadres moving around in the Trincomalee town and Tampalagamuwa areas. They are also said to be active in Kumburupiddy, Kandalkadu and Kantale where groups had infiltrated civilian settlements.
For the first time since the re-capture of Toppigala in July this year, small groups of guerrillas had also returned to the Batticaloa district. They were reported to be moving around in Kokkadicholai and Vavunativu. Since troops moved into Toppigala, the guerrillas stepped up increased intelligence activity in Ampara. Guerrilla cadres have also had a string of skirmishes with commandos of the Police Special Task Force (STF).
Besides the very logical move of again distracting the attention of the Security Forces to the East, the guerrilla activity there, though small but growing, portends other serious problems. Main among them is a gradual build-up by the guerrillas, though under pressure in the Wanni, to destabilise the area. This is to achieve the twin objective of stalling the Government's ambitious development programme for the East as well as make it difficult for the conduct of local, and thereafter, the Provincial Council elections in the East.
The onerous task of holding Batticaloa, the pivotal district, has thus fallen on the Special Task Force. This is after Security Forces deployed in that area were gradually re-deployed for operations in the North. In the past weeks, even those who had retired from the STF have been re-called and offered placements in the district with attractive incentives. This is whilst the security establishment has set in motion an unpublicised move to gradually remove armed paramilitary groups from operating in the area.
In this backdrop, one of the key players, Karuna alias Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan has left Sri Lanka. During his stay of over an year, he not only enjoyed heavy protection but also visited camps of his cadres in the East. He also visited the political offices of the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP), his political party that has several offices in the East. Karuna's group was accused of a number of killings, kidnappings and abductions. Some of them were political whilst others were reportedly for extortion of vast amounts of money.
The move to rid the east of armed groups will be no easy task for the Government since the arms they carried were enormous in number. Thus, even if the paramilitary cadres that backed the Government would no longer be active, a process that will be largely time consuming, a bigger question would be how their arms are to be collected. If past experience is anything to go by, some of them may be sold to the underworld of criminals for a price - a further sophistication of the underworld modus operandi which has changed long years before from clubs and iron rods.
The military thrust near Mannar came just one day ahead of President Mahinda Rajapaksa's address to the 62nd session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York. He spoke on Tuesday afternoon (September 25). In a speech that clearly endorsed the view of his brother and Defence Secretary, retired Lieut. Col. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, he said, "terrorism any where is terrorism. Sri Lanka has taken an upfront position in the global community's efforts to deal with terrorism….."
He said, "Solutions sought for conflicts in various countries, must be indigenous. Otherwise, even if the international community is appeased, people in countries saddled with conflicts will not be satisfied. This will be a blow to democracy." Barely two weeks earlier, Defence Secretary Rajapaksa had declared that the Tiger guerrillas have to be defeated "100 per cent" for peace to return.
Also a day ahead of President Rajapaksa's speech to the UN, the LTTE issued a lengthy statement to set out its position vis-Ã -vis a number of issues. The statement said it was clear from the remarks made by Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, that the Government intends to intensify the war in the North. Secondly, it said, that the All-Party Representative Committee, which is formulating political proposals to end the ethnic conflict, was a "facade to fool the international community." Thus, the LTTE summed up its stance.
A rejoinder on what is to follow came again yesterday. That was also from Lt. Col. (retd.) Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, the Defence Secretary. He declared that the date for the end of the separatist war was not far off. The occasion was a ceremony at the Headquarters of the Sinha Regiment at Ambepussa where troops were remembering their dead colleagues. Their next of kin of those who died were present to hear the Defence Secretary make the pledge. That can only mean more fighting with Tiger guerrillas is a certainty in the coming weeks.
(http://www.sundaytimes.lk/070930/Columns/sitreport.html)
The impact of security measures on livelihoods in the Eastern Province
The resumption of the conflict in December 2005 and its intensification since late-July 2006, particularly in the Eastern Province, has resulted in loss of livelihoods to hundreds of thousands of people due to displacements and security-related restrictions on their vocations. Various journalists and humanitarian organisations within the country and outside have highlighted this unfolding human tragedy. However, there are no estimations done so far about the extent of loss of livelihoods due to mass displacements and security-related restrictions. It is clearly evident that there is an ongoing tension between the prerogatives of national security and human security in the context of a high-intensity civil war.
Since the Eastern Province is a coastal province and intense fighting took place along the coast from mid-2006 to mid-2007, undoubtedly fishing is the worst affected occupation in all three districts of the East. In addition, agriculture sector is also affected due to displacements, rise in the prices of inputs, and lack of market accessibility. Further, trade, both wholesale and retail, is also severely affected due to transport problems, numerous security checkpoints, general insecurity that keeps away shoppers, and the rise in cost of living that reduces the purchasing power of consumers.
The objective of this appraisal using qualitative survey methods was to undertake a rapid estimation of the extent of loss of output in selected occupations in selected areas in each of the three districts, viz. Ampara, Batticaloa, and Trincomalee. The pilot study estimated the extent of loss of livelihoods in the agriculture, fisheries, and trade sectors in selected areas within each of the districts of the Eastern Province. Thus, the pilot study assessed the loss of output (volume), loss of income (value), change in the prices of produce, market accessibility, problems encountered in livelihood activities, and alternative sources of livelihoods of 62 respondents engaged in farming, fishing, and trading. The sample may be representative of other farmers, fisherpersons, and traders in the East, but is too small to lend itself to meaningful quantitative analysis.
Methodology
A random sample survey was conducted among the affected communities of paddy farmers, fishmongers, and traders in all three districts. The pilot survey was conducted through semi-structured questionnaires for each of the three occupations covered. Thus, questions were open-ended. Altogether 62 questionnaire-based interviews were conducted in the three districts – Ampara 20, Batticaloa 20, and Trincomalee 22. By occupation, 23 fishmongers, 22 paddy cultivators, and 17 traders were interviewed.
The analysis is based on the responses of this small sample. Broader generalisations and conclusions await a larger survey if one is possible under the circumstances. Further, since fishing and paddy cultivation are seasonal occupations it is difficult to gauge the changes at any particular point of time. However, this pilot study could form the basis for further exploration of issues highlighted and discussed herein. This study was undertaken during the later half of August 2007, which is a very short time period for any empirical study.
Survey results
This section outlines and analyses the pilot survey results under six different variables.
Change in the volume of output
Due to mass displacements, particularly in Batticaloa and Trincomalee districts, productive activities are severely disturbed. The respondents were asked about their average production/output prior to the resumption of the conflict in 2006 and the current level. Fishing is the most affected livelihood activity, and Trincomalee is the most affected district.
In the agriculture sector, among the paddy cultivators interviewed, paddy output dropped by 40% in Trincomalee district, but in Ampara and Batticaloa districts there is hardly any change. In the fisheries sector, whilst fish catch declined significantly in Trincomalee and Ampara districts, the decline was marginal in Batticaloa district. Among the fishermen interviewed, the daily average fish catches dropped by 64% in Trincomalee, by 29% in Ampara, and by just 4% in Batticaloa. In the trade sector also, among the traders interviewed in Trincomalee district, since the resumption of the conflict, the average number of customers per day declined by one-third. In Batticaloa the decline was 13%, and in Ampara the drop was just 5%.
The foregoing figures indicate that Trincomalee is the worst affected district in the Eastern Province due to the resumption of the conflict.
Change in the value of output
In terms of value of output Trincomalee appears to be the worst affected. The other two districts have, in fact, increased their value of output/turnover, except fishing in Ampara
In the agriculture sector, paddy output in value increased marginally by 4% in Ampara district, and considerably by 10% in Batticaloa district. However, paddy output dropped by 24% in value terms in Trincomalee district among respondents. The increase in the average value of paddy output in Ampara and Batticaloa is due to higher price fetched as a result of lower output/supply. In Trincomalee also, the drop in the average value of paddy output (-24%) is lower than the drop in the average volume of output (-40%), which indicates that the higher price has partially offset the decline in output.
The average fishmongers in Trincomalee district has declined by 59% compared to the pre-conflict times. In Ampara, the drop was 10% in value. However, in Batticaloa district, the average value of output increased considerably by 21%. It appears that the higher price of fish due to the decline in catching has partially compensated for the loss of output in all three districts. In Batticaloa, the average fishermen increased by 21%, while the average in volume dropped marginally by 4%, which indicates that the higher price has more than offset the drop in output.
The daily average turnover among the traders dropped significantly by 35% in Trincomalee district. However, the daily average turnover increased considerably by 16% in Ampara and by 10% in Batticaloa. The drops in the average volume of customers (-33%) and the average value of turnover (-35%) are almost the same, in Trincomalee district, denoting very little increase in the prices of goods and/or quantitative reduction in consumption. On the other hand, in Ampara and Batticaloa districts, despite the drops in the average number of customers (-5% and –13% respectively), the daily average turnover has increased by 16% and 10% respectively, which is due to the rise in prices of goods.
Overall, the foregoing figures indicate that despite the drops in outputs/clients of various sectors, higher prices fetched by their produce and goods sold have partially or more than proportionally compensated for the losses in volume. Trincomalee district is the only district that has experienced drops in both the volumes and values of output/trade. However, the drops in the volumes have been higher than the values, because of price rise.
Change in the price of produce
The results in the previous two sections are vindicated by the results of this section. That is, the average prices of both paddy and fish have increased significantly, and the average number of employees in trading has dropped significantly now, compared to prior to the resumption of the conflict.
The average price of paddy has increased significantly in Trincomalee district (by 22%) and marginally in Ampara and Batticaloa districts (by 4% and 8% respectively) compared to the pre-conflict time. The increases in prices are due to drops in output/supply. Further, higher prices of paddy have increased the values of output, and thereby partially compensated for the losses in output.
Similarly, the average price of fish has increased significantly in Ampara and Batticaloa districts, and enormously in Trincomalee district among respondents. That is, the average price of fish has increased by 27% in Ampara, by 30% in Batticaloa, and by 182% in Trincomalee. This price comparison pertains to just one variety of fish only. The enormous rise in the average price of fish in Trincomalee is inadequately reflected in the average value of fish catch, presumably because the price comparison involved is just one variety but the total value incorporated all varieties.
The average number of employees in trade establishments dropped significantly in Ampara and Trincomalee districts, but there was no change in Batticaloa district among respondents. That is, the average number of employees dropped by 19% in Ampara and by 56% in Trincomalee. It is interesting to note that, in both Ampara and Trincomalee, the drops in the average number of employees (-19% and –56% respectively) are higher than the drops in the average number of customers (-5% and -33% respectively). However, in Batticaloa, despite a 13% drop in the daily average number of customers, there was no change in the number of employees.
These results reveal that, in Ampara and Trincomalee, traders have laid off more staff than warranted, whereas Batticaloa traders have not laid off any staff at all. This contrasting behaviour of traders may indicate that traders in Ampara and Trincomalee are less optimistic about any change in the present situation, whereas traders in Batticaloa are optimistic about a change, and therefore have retained their staff.
Market accessibility
Accessibility to market to sell/buy their produce/inputs is a severe problem faced by farmers, fishmongers, and traders in all three districts, except the fishermen of Batticaloa. Due to numerous security checkpoints along the major and minor highways throughout the Eastern Province, transport of goods within the province as well as to Colombo and other parts of the country is severely restricted. Besides, there are considerable losses incurred due to unloading and reloading of perishable goods such as fish at various security checkpoints.
All the 7 respondent paddy farmers in Trincomalee district opined that there is no easy access to market their produce and buy their inputs. Similarly, 4 out of the 6 and 6 out of the 9 respondent paddy farmers in Ampara and Batticaloa districts respectively also indicated lack of easy access to markets.
Among fishermen, 7 out of the 8 respondents in Trincomalee and 6 out of the 9 respondents in Ampara indicated lack of easy access to markets.
However, all the respondent fishermen (6) in Batticaloa opined that there is easy access to markets. All the traders in Ampara (5) opined that there is no easy access to markets in Colombo and other parts of the country to purchase goods.
Further, 4 out of the 5 respondent traders in Batticaloa and 4 out of the 7 in Trincomalee indicated lack of easy access to markets in Colombo and other parts of the country
According to knowledgeable sources, prior to August 2006 (i.e. prior to the closure of A9 highway in the North), about 45-50 buses were in operation daily between Trincomalee and Vavuniya carrying both passengers and cargo. However, since the intensification of the conflict in August 2006 the buses in operation have declined drastically to less than five a day. Besides, there is stringent checking of lorries and buses carrying cargo from the Eastern Province to Colombo and other parts of the country.
Nevertheless, the share of traders having no easy access to Colombo and other markets was least in the Trincomalee district.
(http://www.dailymirror.lk/2007/10/02/feat/04.asp)
Since the Eastern Province is a coastal province and intense fighting took place along the coast from mid-2006 to mid-2007, undoubtedly fishing is the worst affected occupation in all three districts of the East. In addition, agriculture sector is also affected due to displacements, rise in the prices of inputs, and lack of market accessibility. Further, trade, both wholesale and retail, is also severely affected due to transport problems, numerous security checkpoints, general insecurity that keeps away shoppers, and the rise in cost of living that reduces the purchasing power of consumers.
The objective of this appraisal using qualitative survey methods was to undertake a rapid estimation of the extent of loss of output in selected occupations in selected areas in each of the three districts, viz. Ampara, Batticaloa, and Trincomalee. The pilot study estimated the extent of loss of livelihoods in the agriculture, fisheries, and trade sectors in selected areas within each of the districts of the Eastern Province. Thus, the pilot study assessed the loss of output (volume), loss of income (value), change in the prices of produce, market accessibility, problems encountered in livelihood activities, and alternative sources of livelihoods of 62 respondents engaged in farming, fishing, and trading. The sample may be representative of other farmers, fisherpersons, and traders in the East, but is too small to lend itself to meaningful quantitative analysis.
Methodology
A random sample survey was conducted among the affected communities of paddy farmers, fishmongers, and traders in all three districts. The pilot survey was conducted through semi-structured questionnaires for each of the three occupations covered. Thus, questions were open-ended. Altogether 62 questionnaire-based interviews were conducted in the three districts – Ampara 20, Batticaloa 20, and Trincomalee 22. By occupation, 23 fishmongers, 22 paddy cultivators, and 17 traders were interviewed.
The analysis is based on the responses of this small sample. Broader generalisations and conclusions await a larger survey if one is possible under the circumstances. Further, since fishing and paddy cultivation are seasonal occupations it is difficult to gauge the changes at any particular point of time. However, this pilot study could form the basis for further exploration of issues highlighted and discussed herein. This study was undertaken during the later half of August 2007, which is a very short time period for any empirical study.
Survey results
This section outlines and analyses the pilot survey results under six different variables.
Change in the volume of output
Due to mass displacements, particularly in Batticaloa and Trincomalee districts, productive activities are severely disturbed. The respondents were asked about their average production/output prior to the resumption of the conflict in 2006 and the current level. Fishing is the most affected livelihood activity, and Trincomalee is the most affected district.
In the agriculture sector, among the paddy cultivators interviewed, paddy output dropped by 40% in Trincomalee district, but in Ampara and Batticaloa districts there is hardly any change. In the fisheries sector, whilst fish catch declined significantly in Trincomalee and Ampara districts, the decline was marginal in Batticaloa district. Among the fishermen interviewed, the daily average fish catches dropped by 64% in Trincomalee, by 29% in Ampara, and by just 4% in Batticaloa. In the trade sector also, among the traders interviewed in Trincomalee district, since the resumption of the conflict, the average number of customers per day declined by one-third. In Batticaloa the decline was 13%, and in Ampara the drop was just 5%.
The foregoing figures indicate that Trincomalee is the worst affected district in the Eastern Province due to the resumption of the conflict.
Change in the value of output
In terms of value of output Trincomalee appears to be the worst affected. The other two districts have, in fact, increased their value of output/turnover, except fishing in Ampara
In the agriculture sector, paddy output in value increased marginally by 4% in Ampara district, and considerably by 10% in Batticaloa district. However, paddy output dropped by 24% in value terms in Trincomalee district among respondents. The increase in the average value of paddy output in Ampara and Batticaloa is due to higher price fetched as a result of lower output/supply. In Trincomalee also, the drop in the average value of paddy output (-24%) is lower than the drop in the average volume of output (-40%), which indicates that the higher price has partially offset the decline in output.
The average fishmongers in Trincomalee district has declined by 59% compared to the pre-conflict times. In Ampara, the drop was 10% in value. However, in Batticaloa district, the average value of output increased considerably by 21%. It appears that the higher price of fish due to the decline in catching has partially compensated for the loss of output in all three districts. In Batticaloa, the average fishermen increased by 21%, while the average in volume dropped marginally by 4%, which indicates that the higher price has more than offset the drop in output.
The daily average turnover among the traders dropped significantly by 35% in Trincomalee district. However, the daily average turnover increased considerably by 16% in Ampara and by 10% in Batticaloa. The drops in the average volume of customers (-33%) and the average value of turnover (-35%) are almost the same, in Trincomalee district, denoting very little increase in the prices of goods and/or quantitative reduction in consumption. On the other hand, in Ampara and Batticaloa districts, despite the drops in the average number of customers (-5% and –13% respectively), the daily average turnover has increased by 16% and 10% respectively, which is due to the rise in prices of goods.
Overall, the foregoing figures indicate that despite the drops in outputs/clients of various sectors, higher prices fetched by their produce and goods sold have partially or more than proportionally compensated for the losses in volume. Trincomalee district is the only district that has experienced drops in both the volumes and values of output/trade. However, the drops in the volumes have been higher than the values, because of price rise.
Change in the price of produce
The results in the previous two sections are vindicated by the results of this section. That is, the average prices of both paddy and fish have increased significantly, and the average number of employees in trading has dropped significantly now, compared to prior to the resumption of the conflict.
The average price of paddy has increased significantly in Trincomalee district (by 22%) and marginally in Ampara and Batticaloa districts (by 4% and 8% respectively) compared to the pre-conflict time. The increases in prices are due to drops in output/supply. Further, higher prices of paddy have increased the values of output, and thereby partially compensated for the losses in output.
Similarly, the average price of fish has increased significantly in Ampara and Batticaloa districts, and enormously in Trincomalee district among respondents. That is, the average price of fish has increased by 27% in Ampara, by 30% in Batticaloa, and by 182% in Trincomalee. This price comparison pertains to just one variety of fish only. The enormous rise in the average price of fish in Trincomalee is inadequately reflected in the average value of fish catch, presumably because the price comparison involved is just one variety but the total value incorporated all varieties.
The average number of employees in trade establishments dropped significantly in Ampara and Trincomalee districts, but there was no change in Batticaloa district among respondents. That is, the average number of employees dropped by 19% in Ampara and by 56% in Trincomalee. It is interesting to note that, in both Ampara and Trincomalee, the drops in the average number of employees (-19% and –56% respectively) are higher than the drops in the average number of customers (-5% and -33% respectively). However, in Batticaloa, despite a 13% drop in the daily average number of customers, there was no change in the number of employees.
These results reveal that, in Ampara and Trincomalee, traders have laid off more staff than warranted, whereas Batticaloa traders have not laid off any staff at all. This contrasting behaviour of traders may indicate that traders in Ampara and Trincomalee are less optimistic about any change in the present situation, whereas traders in Batticaloa are optimistic about a change, and therefore have retained their staff.
Market accessibility
Accessibility to market to sell/buy their produce/inputs is a severe problem faced by farmers, fishmongers, and traders in all three districts, except the fishermen of Batticaloa. Due to numerous security checkpoints along the major and minor highways throughout the Eastern Province, transport of goods within the province as well as to Colombo and other parts of the country is severely restricted. Besides, there are considerable losses incurred due to unloading and reloading of perishable goods such as fish at various security checkpoints.
All the 7 respondent paddy farmers in Trincomalee district opined that there is no easy access to market their produce and buy their inputs. Similarly, 4 out of the 6 and 6 out of the 9 respondent paddy farmers in Ampara and Batticaloa districts respectively also indicated lack of easy access to markets.
Among fishermen, 7 out of the 8 respondents in Trincomalee and 6 out of the 9 respondents in Ampara indicated lack of easy access to markets.
However, all the respondent fishermen (6) in Batticaloa opined that there is easy access to markets. All the traders in Ampara (5) opined that there is no easy access to markets in Colombo and other parts of the country to purchase goods.
Further, 4 out of the 5 respondent traders in Batticaloa and 4 out of the 7 in Trincomalee indicated lack of easy access to markets in Colombo and other parts of the country
According to knowledgeable sources, prior to August 2006 (i.e. prior to the closure of A9 highway in the North), about 45-50 buses were in operation daily between Trincomalee and Vavuniya carrying both passengers and cargo. However, since the intensification of the conflict in August 2006 the buses in operation have declined drastically to less than five a day. Besides, there is stringent checking of lorries and buses carrying cargo from the Eastern Province to Colombo and other parts of the country.
Nevertheless, the share of traders having no easy access to Colombo and other markets was least in the Trincomalee district.
(http://www.dailymirror.lk/2007/10/02/feat/04.asp)
Pillayan to lead TMVP?
Former 'commander' of the Thamil Makal Viduthalai Pullikal (TMVP) Pillayan is set to lead the armed outfit and is already setting up his own multi-storied headquarters down Lake Road in the Batticaloa town, TMVP sources told the Daily Mirror.
The new developments come in the wake of Karuna Amman fleeing to Britain in the midst of the deepening internal rift between Pillayan and Karuna owing to alleged financial mismanagement and tit-for-tat killings.
However, when contacted TMVP spokesman Azad Maulana said the outfit was merely undergoing restructuring and that Karuna Amman still heads the TMVP. He however admitted a new office was being set up down Lake Road for Pillayan's political work. TMVP sources, however, claimed that the current TMVP headquarters in Batticaloa would be shut down while Pillayan makes his presence felt with new offices in Batticaloa and Ampara. Most of his cadres operating from Trincomalee have moved to Batticaloa forcing close allies of Karuna to flee towards Thoppigala. TMVP sources further said that at a high level party meeting at Welikanda on Friday it was decided to demand an explanation on the accounts from Karuna's fund raisers. "We found that 70% of the funds have been going to Karuna while only 30% was reaching the TMVP. So we will wait for the explanation this week before deciding on the next step," the source said.
Meanwhile, it is unlikely that Karuna would return to the country. There is strong speculation that the latest TMVP split has the backing of certain state elements in an attempt to divert negative international attention created by allegations of abductions, killings and child recruitment by the Karuna outfit. When asked by the Daily Mirror, TMVP sources said the allegations were true but claimed Pillayan was intent on disarming his cadres, releasing all child soldiers and purely focusing on political work.
(http://www.dailymirror.lk/2007/10/01/front/01.asp)
The new developments come in the wake of Karuna Amman fleeing to Britain in the midst of the deepening internal rift between Pillayan and Karuna owing to alleged financial mismanagement and tit-for-tat killings.
However, when contacted TMVP spokesman Azad Maulana said the outfit was merely undergoing restructuring and that Karuna Amman still heads the TMVP. He however admitted a new office was being set up down Lake Road for Pillayan's political work. TMVP sources, however, claimed that the current TMVP headquarters in Batticaloa would be shut down while Pillayan makes his presence felt with new offices in Batticaloa and Ampara. Most of his cadres operating from Trincomalee have moved to Batticaloa forcing close allies of Karuna to flee towards Thoppigala. TMVP sources further said that at a high level party meeting at Welikanda on Friday it was decided to demand an explanation on the accounts from Karuna's fund raisers. "We found that 70% of the funds have been going to Karuna while only 30% was reaching the TMVP. So we will wait for the explanation this week before deciding on the next step," the source said.
Meanwhile, it is unlikely that Karuna would return to the country. There is strong speculation that the latest TMVP split has the backing of certain state elements in an attempt to divert negative international attention created by allegations of abductions, killings and child recruitment by the Karuna outfit. When asked by the Daily Mirror, TMVP sources said the allegations were true but claimed Pillayan was intent on disarming his cadres, releasing all child soldiers and purely focusing on political work.
(http://www.dailymirror.lk/2007/10/01/front/01.asp)
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