More security cover for Douglas

EPDP leader and Minister Douglas Devananda has been provided with tighter security following LTTE threats on EPDP cadres, party sources told the Daily Mirror yesterday.

More armed police and Army personnel have been deployed near the Bambalapitya residence of Mr. Devananda, along with huge barricades. Senior EPDP member S. Thavarasah told the Daily Mirror his party had sought more protection from the security authorities as it was not fully satisfied with the security arrangement provided to its members.

Demonstration by fisherfolk

Hundreds of fisherfolk in Pesalai and Mannar insisted they would not give up their demonstration until the government took measures to stop Indian fishermen poaching in Lankan waters, police said yesterday.

They said the protesting farmers were continuing their campaign for the third day, thus crippling traffic in the area. DIG Mahinda Beddewela said several attempts to persuade the fisherfolk to give up the protests were of no avail.

Brigade Commander’s vehicle attacked By Sunil Jayasiri

Security has been intensified in the Valaichchenai area after unidentified gunmen opened fire and hurled a grenade at the vehicle of the Kalkudah Brigade Commander yesterday morning.

Military Spokesman Daya Ratnayake said the jeep of Col. W.M.S.Gunaratne had been damaged but he had not been in the vehicle. However a bystander had been injured in the attack.

The military jeep had been proceeding towards Valachchenai from Kalkudah around 11 am when it came under attack, he said. The spokesman said four men believed to be LTTE cadres had fled the scene just after the attack. The driver of the jeep escaped unhurt but a shop owner was admitted to the Valachchenai hospital with serious injuries.

The Army has made a formal complaint to the SLMM regarding the incident and the new SLMM chief said their officials were probing the incident. .

Some reports said two EPDP supporters had been present in the area when the attack took place and it was not immediately known whether the EPDPers were the target of the attackers.

Security has been tightened in the area and a major operation is under way to track down the attackers, the military spokesman said.

Meanwhile, the LTTE had reportedly arrested three Tamil civilians who had allegedly committed several illegal activities in the Vavuniya area.

Military sources said the three civilians were arrested on Sunday evening and were now being detained at the Vavuniya LTTE political office in the government-held area.

Peace needs justice and equal rights: SLMM official

"The absence of open conflict is not peace. Peace will start only when the parties have found solutions for their disagreements," SLMM Trincomalee Head Dagfinn Aadnanes said.

Speaking at a musical event organized by the Past Students Association of the Trincomalee St. Mary's Girls College, he said, "Your country has been at war since before you were born, and you have grown up in insecurity, hostility, violence and aggression. But during almost three years now, you have seen a different life, without shooting and violence. People can move more freely and can attend public events, like this one, without fear of violence. For most people, living conditions have improved; their lives have become better, thanks to the three years of ceasefire.

"Peace must be nurtured like a small plant in a garden. Like a plant needs water, sun and nutrition to sprout and thrive, peace needs justice and equal rights, trust and respect, development and prosperity, freedom and democracy, respect for Human Rights.

“The international community can aid and guide but it is only the people and institutions of Sri Lanka that can find the way to lasting peace and freedom. Students are the gardeners who must plant and cultivate the tree of peace. “ - TamilNet

Colombo and suburbs infiltrated, reveals intelligence report

With government informants being regularly gunned down by allegedly unidentified LTTE gangs, the latest intelligence reports have revealed an estimated 1000 LTTE cadres from the North-East have taken up residence in Colombo and its suburbs.

An anti-terrorist intelligence officer who did not wish to be identified told the Daily Mirror that unarmed LTTE cadres have taken up residence in the Bambalapitiya and Wellawatte areas.

According to the source civilians partial to the LTTE had been sent to Colombo along with their families and helped to settle down and start their own businesses. Especially LTTE cadres had been sent to Colombo to work in shops, it said.

Most of these persons have got themselves registered as voters in their respective areas, the source said.

According to an intelligence survey Bambalapitiya, Wellawatta, Dehiwela, Mt. Lavinia, Pettah, Grandpass and Kotahena have been identified as the areas where the migrant cadres have recently settled down, especially after the signing of the Ceasefire Agreement in 2002.

Police launch 119 for emergencies by Kurulu Kariyakarawana

The new Police Emergency Service number 119 was launched yesterday at the IGP's Command Room in Mirihana.

The number 119 which could be dialled from any telephone service including mobile phones would be directly connected to the IGP's Command Room. Public Security, Law and Order Ministry Secretary Thilak Ranaviraja and IGP Chandra Fernando were present during the inauguration. Director IGP Command and Police Information Division SP Luxman Kaluarachchi said though the number was launched yesterday they expect it to function properly only by next January.

"We have deployed 10 separate telephone lines. We run trials occasionally. In future we hope to add more lines and set up substations countrywide," the Director said. According to Mr. Kaluarachchi anybody can call in an emergency but he requested them to refrain from giving nuisance calls.

"In future we plan to develop this service and include Ambulance and Fire Brigade services," he said.

T’mannar drug gang arrested by Kurulu Kariyakarawana

Talaimannar police on Sunday arrested a gang of five Sri Lankans who smuggled high quality heroin from India worth over three million rupees.

The suspects reportedly residents of Talaimannar were taken into custody while they were about to unload the contraband smuggled from a boat at Parana Palama, Talaimannar last morning. Police recovered a kilogram of heroin, brown sugar.

The gang had reportedly sailed to Rameshwaram on the previous evening around 4.30 and reached Indian shores around 10.30 p.m. They had returned with the contraband around 1.00 a.m. and reached Talaimannar around 6.00 a.m.

OIC Talaimannar police Inspector N.E. Silva told the Daily Mirror that two more suspects were to be taken into custody in connection with the case. One of them, a drug dealer in Grandpass area.

The gang had been engaged in the illicit business for sometime and had smuggled drugs worth millions in the past few months. "They travel to India in boats in the guise of transporting refugees," the OIC said.

Norway must assure parties of gains by Jehan Perera

The forthcoming visit of the Norwegian Foreign Minister Jan Peterson and other key Norwegian facilitators, including Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesen and Special Envoy Erik Solheim, have helped to revive hopes of a resumption of the long-stalled peace process. The lengthy period of deadlock, now rising to 20 months, of no-talks, has been interspersed with short bouts of optimism that do have a base in rational expectations.

Getting back to the negotiating table is very clearly in the objective interests of both the Government and the LTTE. The question is to figure why they are continuing to delay when they could benefit greatly by resuming their peace talks.

The Government's interest in getting back to the negotiating table would stem primarily from the condition laid down by the international donors at the Tokyo donor conference of June 2003. At that conference, the international donors pledged a very generous sum of US$ 4.5 billion in aid over a four-year period. But they made the disbursement of that large sum of money conditional upon the satisfactory progress of the peace process. The Government's primary interest in recommencing the peace talks would stem from its urgent need to obtain an inflow of substantial external funding to bridge the budget deficit. The Government's political future most critically depends on the revival of the health of the economy, which is being subjected to sharp inflationary pressures at the present time.

On the LTTE's side too there is a real need to get the peace process under way. But for the LTTE, their interest would be less in terms of obtaining economic aid than in directly consolidating their political and military control on the ground. Certainly, obtaining economic aid to bring the peace dividend to the long-suffering people of the north-east would be an important consideration for the LTTE. In fact they have constantly justified their demand for an interim self governing authority for the north-east on the basis of satisfying the developmental and economic needs of the people. But the LTTE leadership has also made it clear, time and again, that obtaining political control is of greater importance to them than obtaining economic resources.

The LTTE's need to utilise any forthcoming peace talks, as a vehicle to strengthen their control on the ground, would have got more urgent in view of the crisis situation that exists in the east. After the revolt by its eastern commander Karuna, who broke away from the LTTE, there is a vacuum of control in the east. Most of the LTTE's political offices in Batticaloa remain closed, as they are vulnerable to attack by the Karuna group. But if the LTTE can obtain political control over the north-east, by means of an interim self governing authority, such as they have proposed, it may become easier for them to completely eradicate the influence now wielded by Karuna, his remaining fighters and his political party in the east.

The priority given by the LTTE to political and military control, as against economic matters, can be seen quite clearly in their proposals for an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA). Only three of the 23 clauses pertaining to the ISGA are concerned with economic or developmental issues. These three clauses deal with the subjects of rehabilitation, reconstruction and resettlement. The balance 19 clauses are concerned with issues of political and military control and governance, such as the high security zones, the coastal waters, and law and order issues, elections, human rights and other governance issues.

What the above analysis suggests is that there is a major mismatch between the goals and expectations of the Government and the LTTE. The Government seeks to obtain economic resources as its primary goal while the LTTE seeks control on the ground as its primary goal. It is this mismatch that is creating suspicion and doubt in the minds of the two parties, regarding each other. The LTTE's concern would be that the Government is only seeking to restart the peace talks in order to open the purse strings of the international donors. The LTTE would be suspicious that the Government has no real intention of providing the LTTE with an interim administration of the kind they seek, as an outcome of the peace talks.

On the other hand, the Government's concern would be that the LTTE's intention in restarting the peace talks is simply to obtain the implementation of its far reaching ISGA proposals. These proposals seek the legalisation of LTTE-created institutions, such as its police, judiciary and the proposed auditor general, although they will have no relationship to existing national institutions. The LTTE's evident unwillingness to consider linkage with national institutions, and the implication that they seek total control, makes the situation more difficult from the Government's point of view. The LTTE has recently been seeking to backtrack on the commitment they made at the Oslo round of peace talks in December 2002, where they agreed to explore a federal solution within the framework of a united Sri Lanka. The mismatch between the goals and expectations of the Government and LTTE, with regard to the peace talks, would stand as the biggest obstacle to their resumption. It is unlikely that the visit of the high powered Norwegian delegation to Sri Lanka this week can change this mismatch in the short term. In fact, the Norwegians appear to be cognisant of the challenge they face. Their Foreign Minister has already stated that their visit should not generate too many expectations. He has pointed out that the messages he is receiving from the parties are not very positive ones. The highly publicised excerpts from the forthcoming book by LTTE ideologue Dr Anton Balasingham, distancing the LTTE from the federal consensus at Oslo, would be one example. However, by utilising their unique access to the very highest in the leadership of the two sides and, by clarifying the nature of the mismatch, the Norwegian facilitators can contribute much, to preparing the ground for future peace talks. There are two key areas in particular where the Norwegian facilitators could make a valuable contribution. The first would be to convince the LTTE leadership that the legitimacy of the ISGA proposal hinges upon a willingness to work within the parameters of the Oslo agreement on federalism. Unless the ISGA is amended to include the shared rule component of federalism, it will be impossible for any Sri Lankan government to hand over parts of the country to be ruled by an unelected, separate and unaccountable organisation.

The Norwegian facilitators are in a particularly strong position to impress upon the LTTE the need for a federal solution. At the very outset of their publicly announced entry into the Sri Lankan peace process, they announced the broad political parameters within which they would function. They publicly stated that their facilitation was conditional upon the two parties accepting a common framework of a united Sri Lanka in which Tamil aspirations would be substantially met. By agreeing to Norwegian facilitation and by entering into the Norwegian-facilitated peace process, the LTTE implicitly agreed to the parameters that the Norwegians set for their facilitation.

The second key area for the Norwegians to contribute to would be in respect of the approach adopted towards the peace process. Both parties would need to reorient themselves to approach the peace process in a manner that would ensure that both parties gain, rather than only one party gaining while the other party loses. The episode of the breakaway LTTE eastern commander Karuna, and the complicity of sections of the Government in it, would be an example of one party seeking to gain at the expense of the other. Certainly the LTTE was weakened by to this incident. But the covert support given to Karuna added to the mistrust between the two sides that continues to hold up the peace process to the detriment of virtually everyone.

Most scholars of peace processes, worldwide, advocate conflict resolution strategies in which there are mutual gains for both sides. A model to follow in this regard might be the Camp David Accords of 1976 that have ensured peace between Israel and Egypt for nearly three decades. At these peace talks, the US government was the mediator and recognised that Israel's interest was security while Egypt's interest was in its national sovereignty. The US mediators made this fact, that the interests of the two parties differed, actually work for a solution. They mediated a settlement whereby Israel gave back the Sinai desert that it had captured from Egypt while Egypt demilitarised the Sinai. Both parties gained from the negotiations.

The CFA that has become Sri Lanka's most precious possession today, had the positive feature that it enabled both parties to gain. The peace process was strongest during its initial stages when the Government and the LTTE considered each other to be partners in the peace process. It was only when they began to see that their interests were opposed, at least in some areas, that the relationship began to suffer and with it the peace process also suffered. The facilitators must show the parties that there are negotiating options by which, economic resources, development and responsible autonomy can be found to meet their legitimate needs and expectations.

Constitution-making for a federal solution by Asanga Welikala

The debate about the fundamental reformulation of the Sri Lankan State in order to address its many defects and deficiencies has been a long and sustained affair. The principal critiques of the present form of the Sri Lankan State are twofold, both emanating from the same source - the over-centralisation of political power. Firstly, it is seen that there should be a more even-handed distribution of power as between institutions and the citizen, so as to secure greater democracy. Secondly, and perhaps more compellingly, due to the violent response the anomaly has encouraged, it is understood that political power needs to be decentralised and shared between the various communities, comprising the Island's polity, so as to ensure equity.
It is clear, therefore, that the remedy lies essentially in some form of political association, grounded upon the federal principle. However, the federal idea merely furnishes a useful organising principle around which any number of forms, depending on needs and objectives, may be developed. Therefore, the recognition of the federal principle is merely a first step in the reconciliation of a complicated and, often conflicting, array of perspectives on its nature, scope, and how it would look like, when given institutional expression.

How is this process of harmonising disparate perspectives on the specific form of Sri Lankan federalism - in short, the constitution-making process - to be designed?

The traditional notion of constitution-making, exemplified by the Constitution of the United States, considers a Constitution to be a contractarian instrument, a covenant setting out the principles, structures, procedures of the relationship between institutions of government and the citizen, as well as the relationships between communities of people constituting the polity. It presupposes that the 'contract' is negotiated among the political leadership, and once made, is necessarily accompanied by a general commitment to adhere to its terms. Therefore, the Constitution is a framework within which democratic politics is conducted and, which shapes and channels tensions between competing political forces. In this sense, the Constitution is the primary instrument of conflict management in society.

The negotiation of the Constitution is seen as an act of State-building, which is performed ideally by a common elite, or an elite of the leaderships of constitutive groups. This is because, in the traditional view, only elites have the necessary expertise, relative disinterest, or conversely, the shared national interest in ensuring order through compromise, and the moderation to deliberate on the setting up of foundational institutions of government in perpetuity.

The Constitution as an instrument of legitimacy is a natural and indispensable element of the theoretical development of democracy from a crudely majoritarian idea to a more sophisticated conception of government that seeks to maximise the wellbeing of all members of society and not merely the majority.

It can be readily appreciated, nevertheless, how the traditional mode of constitution-making, through the reliance it places on elites, may be considered inappropriate in modern societies.

In societies such as Sri Lanka, characterised by deep divisions and a history of violence, it is precisely the failure of post-independence elites, in respect of group political accommodation, that are at the root of conflict. The autochthonous constitution-making exercises in 1972 and 1978 both exemplify the critique that elites cannot always be relied upon to deliver on expectations of moderation, deliberation and fairness.

Moreover, in the context of major disagreement and lack of mutual trust, it is difficult to envision an elite-driven constitution-making process for at least two reasons. Firstly, it is entirely questionable whether the space exists for an inter elite negotiation to take place. The seemingly intractable impasse in which the Sri Lankan peace process has been mired for more than a year indicates that the space for interest-based negotiations between the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE, is non existent.

Secondly, the traditional constitutionalist notion of a Constitution as a final settlement is an unrealistic, short-term goal in negotiating solutions to conflicts such as Sri Lanka's. That is, in the absence of even the lowest threshold of agreement, as to how the questions for negotiation should to be framed, quite apart from what ought to be the normative, underpinnings of an acceptable final settlement, the drafting of a new Constitution is a long-term and incredibly difficult goal. On the other hand, challenges to the legitimacy of both the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE, demand the inclusion of voices and viewpoints that are representative of the wider communities they seek to represent. The Muslim perspective is the most significant case in point.

Yet, a conventional Constitution's function as a framework for managing diversity and maintaining stability is acutely necessary during the period when conflict is being transformed from violence to politics through negotiation.

It thus becomes clear that this tension between the requirement of stability, and the need to ensure negotiations are optimally inclusive, makes the design of the constitution-making process pivotal to success. The institutions for government set up to support negotiations must fulfil these two objectives - institutions with adequate capacity to ensure smooth administration at the same time as a constitutional conversation about the final settlement is facilitated. In this way, the normative standards applicable in the traditional view only to the final product (new Constitution), becomes applicable to the process by which that final product is created as well.

It is in this context that there is a need to enact an Interim Constitution in Sri Lanka. Such an Interim Constitution must be a comprehensive framework for coherent government, whilst a national engagement with the resolution of the conflict is negotiated. However, an Interim Constitution serves its utility only if accompanied by a serious, sustained and sincere effort at addressing the constitutional anomalies that have rendered Sri Lanka an unviable State. It requires negotiation not only on the chief focus of resolving ethnic conflict, but also on how to have a comprehensive structure for democratic government in the future. In this sense, it would be useful to build into the Interim Constitution a normative element in terms of a set of constitutional principles to guide negotiations. These will have to be themselves intensively negotiated and agreed upon. In this way, the principles would set the tone and, give a sense of direction to the negotiations on the final Constitution.

This type of 'conversational constitutionalism' also serves as a valuable precursor to the value of 'deliberative democracy' that must permeate a future constitutional dispensation, displacing the pernicious values of 'majoritarian democracy' that have characterised our constitutional instruments for too long.

Having said that, how are these constitutional principles developed? What is their content? I suggest that they should be aspirational in nature, setting out in appropriately imaginative terms, a constitutional vision for a future Sri Lanka that is peaceful, just and democratic. I offer the following as a starting point for a constitutional conversation:

The shared destiny of all the peoples of the Island to cohabit peacefully in the pursuit of prosperity and freedom, to appreciate the concerns and aspirations of one another and the duty to consult and constructively engage with one another in the resolution of disputes by exclusively peaceful means.

To give institutional expression to the multiple identities of the peoples of Sri Lanka, to provide for the mediation of relations between such peoples, and to construct, by the participation effort and will of all such peoples, a constitutional state that is truly representative of all the stakeholders of the Sri Lankan polity and society. Accordingly, the new institutions of the State of Sri Lanka shall organise the pursuit of common and shared goals, while fully respecting the diversity of its constituent peoples.

Negotiations towards the formulation of the putative social covenant between the peoples of this country, and the State that such covenant seeks to establish, shall be cognizant of the tragedies of the past that have left a deep and profoundly regrettable legacy of suffering on the peoples of this Island, and mindful of this truly historic opportunity for a new beginning, the negotiations shall seek to establish future dispensation that ensures peace, justice and dignity to all the peoples of Sri Lanka.

The people of Sri Lanka, as a whole, enjoy the collective right to self-determination in a united State. The State will respect and protect the right to internal self determination of any of its constituent peoples as founded on the commonality of language, culture, religion or territory. The State shall be committed to federalism, meaningful regional autonomy and mechanisms for power-sharing on common matters, and to the values of multiculturalism in the protection of such right.

Individual and collective rights of all local minorities residing in any and every part of the Island shall be recognised and protected in accordance with international standards. Axiomatic in this regard is entitlement to the rights of free speech, association and movement, as citizens of Sri Lanka.

The pursuit of the common destiny of the peoples of Sri Lanka, and the individuals who comprise collective identities, shall at all times be informed, guided and bound by the norms of international human rights.

The future constitutional settlement shall be underpinned by the norms and values of plural democracy as the foundation of a society that cherishes peace, freedom, equality before the law and inter group solidarity and respect. Individuals' freedom of speech and association, party political competition, the franchise and other important democratic rights, including cultural rights, constitute the means of realising such a society. It is essential that these rights are given constitutional recognition and full judicial protection.

A new Constitution which reflects the aspirations of all the peoples of Sri Lanka, recognises and protects human rights, and serves as a mechanism to check the excesses of majoritarian decision-making while ensuring that governance is democratic, accountable and responsive, shall be the supreme law of the land. All law and conduct inconsistent with it shall be void.

The constitutional framework of the future State shall foster and provide institutional safeguards for the rights of citizenship of all Sri Lankans who look upon the Island as their home, as well as reflect the principle of power-sharing at the centre. The institutions of the future State will also provide for co-operative inter relations between the centre and the regions, and between regions, for purposes of economic activity and government.

Missions look for Dinesh, but no clue

Sri Lanka was still clueless yesterday as to the whereabouts of the abducted Lankan truck driver though at least three diplomatic missions continued intensive efforts to locate him or get in touch with his abductors.

Deputy Foreign Minister Vishwa Warnapala said last night the hostage takers had not contacted the Sri Lankan government and made any demands. Prof. Warnapala said the embassies in Qatar, Kuwait and Lebanon had been active in trying to gain information on the whereabouts of Lankan truck driver Dinesh Rajaratnam.

On Thursday, Sri Lanka's Qatar Ambassador A.L.M. Yoosuf appeared on the Doha based Al Jazeera television to appeal for the immediate release of the Lankan hostage.

M.I.M. Muhseen, Ambassador in Lebanon, met religious leaders and A.R. Munsoor, Ambassador in Kuwait, have also appealed to the alleged abductors -- the Ansarul Sunnah militant group -- via Arab TV stations in Kuwait.

"We don't even know where he is being held hostage, and this is one of the main problems in securing his release," an official of the Foreign Ministry said. He assured that the Foreign Ministry was doing everything possible to free the captive.

LTTE wants ISGA response through Norway

The LTTE is ready to resume peace talks if it gets a positive response from the government through the Norwegian peace negotiators to its Interim Self-Governing Authority (ISGA) proposal, Political Wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan said yesterday.

He said the LTTE’s position was also conveyed to Japanese peace envoy Yasushi Akashi when he said Colombo had shown flexibility in discussing the ISGA proposal.

Meanwhile, LTTE chief negotiator Anton Balasingham will arrive in Sri Lanka on Tuesday to assist his leader Velupillai Prabhakaran in talks with Norwegian Foreign Minister Jan Petersen who will be here on Wednesday. Mr. Peterson will also talks with President Kumaratunga. Norwegian deputy foreign minister Vidar Helgesen and special envoy Erik Solheim are scheduled to arrive a day in advance for talks with political party leaders.

Tigers armed with aircraft, claims London-based think tank From Neville de Silva

The LTTE has acquired two aircraft and a helicopter, says a prestigious international think tank based here. The International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) says in its latest publication that the Tigers are equipped with a light helicopter, the Robinson R44 Astro, and two light aircraft whose make has not been identified.

In its annual publication "Military Balance 2004-2005", IISS states that the LTTE has "1 Robinson R44 Astro lt (light) helicopter plus 2 lt ac (aircraft) for recce and liaison".

The IISS also states that the Tigers are reported to have some anti-tank guided weapons and surface-to-air missiles (SAM) besides being equipped with 122mm, 152mm artillery and 120mm mortars.

Asked for more details on the capabilities of LTTE aircraft and whether they could be armed and, if so, with what weapons, Colonel Christopher Langton, Editor of Military Balance and Head of the Defence Analysis Department, told The Sunday Times that he could not "supply this information at the moment."

However, Col Langton did explain the linking of the World Tamil Movement and the World Tamil Association with the LTTE, as shown under the head "Selected Non-State Armed Groups".

"The World Tamil Association and the World Tamil Movement are identified as 'front' organisations for the LTTE. The LTTE may operate abroad under those names sometimes, but this is considered to be fairly rare." The two names do not designate other armed groups linked to the LTTE., Col Langton said.

"Perhaps the point is that the LTTE is sophisticated enough to operate under other names and in a foreign context, rather than to necessarily identify a strict parallel or 'alias' between the LTTE, the WTA and the WTM."

It has been suspected for some time that the LTTE was trying to obtain some air power and the discovery of an airstrip somewhere in the Wanni earlier this year appeared to clinch the suspicion.

However, no outside agency, particularly a think-tank also dedicated to accessing and logging the military capabilities of states and non-state armed groups, had so categorically stated the presence of aircraft in the hands of the LTTE.

It now appears that the 2003/2004 edition of Military Balance had also mentioned the LTTE's air 'power'. So it would seem that the LTTE acquired its aircraft in the last year or so. Some observers now wonder whether the large number of packages brought to the country by LTTE delegations returning to Sri Lanka after so-called peace negotiations and which were allowed to pass unopened by the Customs could have contained parts of the light aircraft.

Others believe they were smuggled in along with arms by the LTTE and still others suspect certain diplomatic missions might have used their immunity to slip them to the LTTE.

While the make of the two light aircraft is not in the public domain, some information is available about the R44 Astro helicopter. It is believed that this was developed by an American aeronautical manufacturer Robinson from its early version, the R22.

The R44, which was first produced and delivered in 1993, is believed to have a more capable engine and a higher capacity. It is a fast, high performance 4-place helicopter and is said to have a rugged reliability and is easy to maintain at a low cost.

The Astro is understood to have a cruising speed of 209 km/hour and a service ceiling of 4265 metres.

For whom the poppies bloom

As Poppy Day draws near, Esther Williams meets some Second World War veterans at the Ex-Servicemen’s Home in Katana

Come November, and we often see artificial poppies and poppy wreaths being sold by the roadside. Most of us are aware that the money raised goes to ex-servicemen. But do we understand the real significance of the poppy and its relevance today?

Poppies became a symbol of resurrection and remembrance ever since the Napoleonic wars when poppies were the first plants to grow in the churned up soil of soldiers' graves. Over a century later, during World War I, the connection between the red poppy and the war dead was renewed when poppies blossomed on the battleground of the field of Flanders. The poppy thus became a symbol of the high ideals for which soldiers gave their lives.

Initially war widows were engaged in making the artificial flowers that we buy in November. Soon a double significance became attached to the poppy as disabled veterans learned to make them while recuperating.

It is worth noting that troops from Ceylon joined the British Armed Forces and served in various capacities both within the country and in the warfront in the Middle East, Egypt, Africa and Italy. Some of these veterans are presently housed at the Ex-Servicemen's Veterans' Home (SLESA) in Bolagala, Katana near Negombo.

Situated in a peaceful locality, the home - the ancestral property of Mr.Bharata Wickremesinghe was donated to SLESA in 1987.The property which is a large house and two acres of land now has a dormitory and 12 chalets for the use of World War II veterans and pensioners of the Sri Lankan armed forces.

Having started with two residents the home today has 13 World War II veterans and seven ex-servicemen, funded mainly by the Poppy Programme. Resident Manager Lieutenant Pemsiri Seneviratne says that it was started with the intention of providing destitute ex-servicemen who had no place to stay or had no one to look after them, a home.

"We are never lonely here - we have our comrades and we keep chatting about the old days," says Joel Daniel,79 who was in the Ceylon Garrison Artillery. He had served in the Search Light Battery in 1941, first as a soldier and then a typist."I was one of the youngest to reach the rank of Sergeant," he smiles recalling with pride his service that ended in 1947.

Mr. Daniel currently suffers from throat cancer and having been operated on both eyes has poor vision. He speaks of his wife who is still living but suffers from a heart problem. "I walk to church each Sunday. I need the exercise," says he.

Retired Chief Petty Officer N.A.P. Rodrigo, 75 joined the Royal Navy in 1958 and served for 22 years."I served on board the Royal Navy minesweepers," he recalls. It was during his time that Sri Lanka received from China the fast gunboats (FGBs) that were named after the then Prime Minister's initials Suriya, Weeraya, Ranakami, Dhakshya and Balawatha (SWRDB).

"Our chief duty was to patrol the island. We did not do much fighting but we had to look after the interests of the country," Mr. Rodrigo comments modestly. Asked how he spends his time, he says, "I cannot read much because of my poor vision but we relate stories and experiences to each other.” An ardent cricket fan, Mr. Rodrigo listens to the radio avidly.

It is not only their heroic deeds that these gentlemen share. The mischief they were occasionally up to is also fondly remembered. Born in 1904, M.B.P. Wijeyawardene who is now a grand centenarian, being 101 years old, was a driver in the Army Service Corps. His work took him to Italy and Egypt."My duty each morning after the parade was to transport equipment to the various units," he recalls.

When they heard that the war was over there was much rejoicing. "I asked a woman server to bring me some liquor but had to hide it because a major walked in on us," he smiles.

Reading the autobiography of World War II veteran, 87-year-old Percy George Benjamin Perera one can get a fair idea of his adventurous life. Liberally peppered with humour, it makes interesting reading, especially the account of his tenure with the British Army. It was without the knowledge of his parents that Mr. Perera went for an interview with the British Army only to be mobilized on the spot and packed off to Egypt after a short period of training in the use of rifles. They soon boarded the Acquitanta, a troopship after making their last will and set sail along with Australian, New Zealand and Maori troops.

There followed rigorous training at various camps. Battlefields littered with decomposing corpses are something he remembers vividly as also the dips in the Red Sea and a ship wreck. Mr. Perera was attached to the Supplies Unit and then went on to become a confidential secretary to Brigadier Cyrus Greenslade (Military Commander of Eritrea) and later to Colonel J.E.H. Boustead (Commander of the Sudan Camel Corps).

He returned to his country after six years when World War II came to an end."My parents had no choice but to forgive me," he laughs. Thereafter he served as Chief Clerk to Lord Mountbatten before he left for India.

"It is very important to remember people who sacrificed their lives for their country," explains pensioner Major K. Rajanathan, 79 who served as a civil engineer in the army for 22 years. "They were fighting for a cause - against Nazism," he says. He is now proud to live in one of the chalets, of the home maintained exclusively for ex-servicemen.

All ex-servicemen are entitled to apply for accommodation with the recommendation of an association. Potential residents are interviewed and given accommodation provided they produce a discharge certificate, documents to prove they have no other place and a letter of consent from wife/children.

As the home does not have facilities or staff to attend to the special needs of the disabled, all residents are expected to be independent to some extent.While World War II veterans who receive no pension are accommodated in a dormitory with cubicles and provided food, medicines and clothing, retired ex-servicemen who receive pensions can avail themselves of Grade I chalets (Rs.3,500 a month) or Grade II chalets (Rs.2500 per month inclusive of everything), the total capacity being 32.

There is a temple and church nearby as well as a hospital that residents are taken to when ill. Most residents are from the outskirts of Colombo, 90% of them from the Army.

Where do the poppies come from? Poppies are sent each year around September by the British Commonwealth Servicemen's League. Lt. Seneviratne says that they received the usual 4 million poppies this year. Veterans at the home were seen assembling them into packs of 100 each to be distributed to the affiliated associations in the hope that people would “give to those who gave”.

Remembrance Day
Remembrance Day also known as Armistice Day marks the day November 11 in 1918 when World War 1 ended. It will be observed in Colombo on November 11 at the Cenotaph in the Viharamahadevi Park.

According to the Secretary General of the Sri Lanka Ex-Servicemen's Association Captain Patrick Jayasinghe, over 300 troops from all three services together with war veterans will participate in a parade that will be witnessed by the armed services chiefs, senior officers, retired officers and diplomats. "It is an occasion to remember our own fallen heroes," says the Captain stressing that the day had much relevance to our situation here.

"We have had our own share of woes," says this co-chairman of the Armed Forces Remembrance Day and Poppy programme. Having collected over Rs. 4 million from the sale of poppies last year, he hopes that they would reach a higher target this year.

Kattankudi's sin: Bigotry or blasphemy?

About 200 houses were destroyed and two thousand people rendered homeless when clashes erupted between two Muslim groups in Kattankudi last Sunday with charges of apostasy being at the core of the clashes.

At the centre of the clashes was a religious dispute arising from dogmatic interpretations of various Islamic concepts. Adding fuel to fire was alleged political backing of one of the groups - a group that has emerged dominant after last Sunday's clashes.

Today, as police patrol this eastern town of more than 50,000 Muslims, an eerie calm prevails. The roots of the dispute go back to more than three decades. It all started when a person known as Abdullah Pailvan, a supposed thinker, preached his version of Islam, which not only differed from the mainstream religion but also led to his virtual excommunication. He is alleged to have described Prophet Muhammad as an incarnation of God Almighty and issued fatwas (decrees) that fasting was not compulsory. Though his version of Islam is not widespread, he has a couple of thousand followers in the Muslim-dominant Eastern province.

However, he and his followers have been branded as heretics by the followers of mainstream Islam, which itself is divided along many schools of thoughts. Of late, the eastern province has seen another phenomenon - the rise of Salafi Islam, the puritan version of Islam, widely practised in Saudi Arabia and other West Asian countries.

Last Sunday's clashes erupted when moves were under way to bury the ailing Pailvan in a Muslim burial ground when he dies. The Salafis opposed. A bomb went off at a mosque, injuring several people and unleashing the riot.

Pailvan group members accused NUA politician M. L. M. Hisbullah of instigating the attacks. The Batticaloa-based politician denied the allegations, but demonstrated no remorse for the attacks, saying that the All Ceylon Jammiathul Ulema, the apex body of Sri Lanka's Muslim theologians, had decreed the Pailvan group to be heretic.

"We are horrified by the blasphemy to Islam, especially to Prophet Mohammed," Mr. Hisbullah said, though he was quick to point out that he was not justifying the attack.

He denied that last Sunday's clashes were a manifestation of Islamic fundamentalism in Sri Lanka. Mr. Hisbullah also claimed that the situation was back to normal with Pailvan group members reverting to the mainstream Islam. Pailvan group members, however, had a different story to tell.

Rauf Maulavi, spokesman and understudy of Abdullah Pailvan, said their group members had gone into hiding to avoid being forced to convert into mainstream Islam. "Our members are being hunted down and forced to give up their faith which is based on Sufi (mystic) interpretation of Islam. This is a violation of our fundamental rights. We are denied our freedom to follow the faith of our choice," said H. M. Ameer, another member of the Pailvan group.

Mr. Ameer said the group's spiritual leader, Abdullah Pailvan, was still in hiding for fear of being attacked. M. Mausood, another Pailvan group member, who fled to Colombo said last Sunday's attack was the worst unleashed on the group.

"There have been disagreements in the recent past and even verbal battle. But never have we seen this type of religious thuggery," said Mr, Mausood who said his house was attacked by the Salafi mob. He also accused politicians of all hues backing the attack on the group to gain political advantage.

SLMC leader Rauff Hakeem lamented divisions among the people of the East, saying it would only strengthen the hands of the LTTE and weaken the case of the Muslims for a separate delegation at the peace talks. He said he believed the clashes had nothing to do with politics but added certain politicians might be involved to settle personal scores.

Refuting the claim that the Kattankudi incident highlighted Islamic extremism, Mr. Hakeem said there was no place for extremism in Islam and urged all Muslim groups to unite and protect the interest of their faith and community.

NUA leader and Minister Ferial Ashraff said she had spoken to Mr. Hisbullah and urged him to take necessary measures to prevent any recurrence. Senior Police Superintendent M. P. Samaradivakara said seven people had been arrested in connection with last Sunday's riots.

He denied any politician was involved in the attacks. "It is just a matter of religious fervour getting out of hand. We have brought the situation under control and any attempt to disrupt peace will be dealt with severely," he said. - Reports by Frances Bulathsinghala

Peace talks: Patchwork continues

The lady photographer shot from all angles as the ebullient Yasushi Akashi, Japan's messiah of peace to Sri Lanka, waxed eloquent at a crowded news conference at Colombo's Hotel Galadari.

With cheque book in his pocket and a broad, slithery smile, that was how he was ending his latest pilgrimage to the island. Since his previous visit on May 11, this year, he was in Colombo and Kilinochchi again to remind the protagonists to a separatist war, how much both were losing by not talking peace. That glittering 4.5 billion dollars from the donor co-chairs hosted by Japan will not shine forever, he hinted. There were other trouble spots in the world that were cash-starved and more deserving.

A mild interruption came when the lady photographer ended her session with the camera and chose to play reporter. She introduced herself as Anila Hettiaratchi, a photographer attached to the Government Peace Secretariat or (the Secretariat Co-ordinating the Peace Process). She had a question to ask, she told Akashi. He lit up again.

Asked Anila "what is the magic you can bring forth to ensure the two parties (the Government and the LTTE) arrive at a peaceful settlement?" Responded the messiah, "politicians have not yet found out such magic."

Instead of raising the question with Akashi, Anila could have saved some embarrassment if she raised the question from her own Secretary General Jayantha Dhanapala. If there was such magic, he could have gone far beyond in the quest for peace, so far limited to merely changing his own designation from Director General to Secretary General.

And Akashi would certainly have used such magic long before his foray into the Sri Lankan ethnic crisis. He would not have been dubbed as the born loser for his diplomatic defeats in the Balkans. Nor would he have lost his yearning to become a city father in the Tokyo Municipality. But to become the grand daddy of peace in Sri Lanka, he learnt again, is no easy task. Dejected and deflated, he flew from Colombo to New Delhi to relate his harrowing experience, not least the snub he got from Kilinochchi, to his Indian counterparts.

Just as he left our shores, the Royal Norwegian Embassy in Colombo put out a news release. A high-powered team of Norwegian peace facilitators would arrive in Colombo. They are Foreign Minister Jan Petersen, his deputy Vidar Helgesen, and Special Advisor Erik Solheim. Helgesen had just gone through successful heart surgery. He and Solheim will stay behind in Colombo though Petersen will leave after meetings with LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran and President Chandrika Kumaratunga.

Petersen made clear "based on signals received from the parties over recent weeks I do not have high expectations, but in difficult times it is even more important to keep engaging with the parties." Yet, Colombo's diplomatic community was agog with reports that Norway would do some hard talking with Prabhakaran, to impress on the LTTE that prolonged delays in returning to the negotiating table would lead to their international isolation.

A similar message was on the cards from US Deputy Secretary of State, Richard Armitage, who was due in Colombo today. However, he had to change plans to attend the funeral of Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, the founding father of the United Arab Emirates, and later fly to Kabul, Afghanistan.

The fact that international pressure was being brought to bear on him in the coming week was not lost on Prabhakaran. Political Wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan, had briefed his leader on his tour of European and Scandinavian capitals where governments had in unison told the LTTE to return to the negotiating table. He had to articulate the LTTE position. None could do it better than his confidant, advisor, theoretician and Chief Negotiator, Anton Balasingham.

Balasingham was busy at his home in a London suburb writing the Maveerar (Great Heroes) Day speech for Prabhakaran. The speech, viewed by Colombo's diplomatic community as the LTTE's "policy statement," is due this time on Prabhakaran's 50th birthday, on November 26. This time it is certain to contain all the main elements that represent the LTTE's view on the peace process.

A caller from Wanni telephoned Balasingham. On being told that his leader wanted him in the Wanni in time for the Petersen visit, he seemed somewhat confused. "Why the visit and peace talks when Amma is signing a Defence Pact with India," he asked the caller. His Australian born wife Adele had other worries. It is the rainy season in Sri Lanka. There would be lots of mosquitoes in the Wanni. She did not want to expose her husband to health hazards though his services would be required for just an hour or more.

But who would say "no" to the LTTE leader? Balasingham arrives in Colombo on Tuesday. A Sri Lanka Air Force helicopter is ready to fly him to Kilinochchi. His leader Prabhakaran is ready to articulate the LTTE's own position to Norway and through them to the Government of Sri Lanka. But some over-enthusiastic correspondents had decided the peace talks were to begin soon and resorted to their popular sport of hanging them on "Government sources." At most, this is patchwork. More on that later.

It was not only Balasingham who believed that a defence pact with India will be signed this week. The visit of President Kumaratunga to India, and the visit of Indian Army's Chief of Staff, General N.C. Vij to Colombo, had given rise to widespread speculation that the Defence Co-operation Agreement would be signed this week. Nothing is further from the truth. There were no plans to sign it in New Delhi, and no plans at all to sign it at the political level.

The signing of the agreement is weeks if not months away. Firstly it has to go through the formal scrutiny of an inter ministerial committee and thereafter by the Indian cabinet. Only then will it be up for signature by officials of the two countries. Despite all the hype, the agreement, in its current format only seeks to formalize almost entirely the existing arrangements and practices between India and Sri Lanka in the field of defence and security.

Now to the peace talks. Akashi during his talks with Thamilselvan had, LTTE sources say, conveyed President Kumaratunga's willingness to talk on their demand for an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA). It only drew a cold response from the Political Wing leader who said the UPFA leaders said one thing at one time and later changed their position. He said her latest offer to talk on ISGA could be conveyed through the Norwegian facilitators to the LTTE.

President Kumaratunga softened her UPFA Government's stance with a willingness to talk on the ISGA. But that was on condition that the LTTE gave an undertaking that a final settlement to the ethnic issue would be within the parameters of the Oslo statement (which she erroneously referred to as the Oslo declaration in her inaugural address to the National Council for Peace and Reconciliation) and the Tokyo Declaration.

Anton Balasingham had pooh-poohed the Oslo statement with a strong assertion that the LTTE still reserved the right to secede. Naturally that was egg on the face for the United National Front Chief Negotiator, G.L. Peiris. He had gone to great lengths to gloat that the Tiger guerrillas had at last shed their garb. They no longer wanted a separate state but were content on a federal solution with internal self determination, he boasted after the talks in Oslo. Like Balasingham, the learned professor was also playing, or juggling, with words.

President Kumaratunga was to hurriedly seize the references to the Oslo declaration (in reality the donor co-chair meeting) in the Norwegian capital. The press release after her meeting with Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe, included a reference to this so-called declaration - a move that seemed intended to strengthen Kumaratunga's hand. Even if Wickremesinghe did not offer any concessions during the meeting he gave her the handle to use the so-called Oslo Declaration in defence. What better way to save face than to get your opponents to share your misfortune. This Kumaratunga did willingly. An egregious common front, one would say.

But that again was short —lived. Balasingham hit back in the pro-LTTE website, the Tamilnet. He declared, "The donor conferences held in Oslo on November 25, 2002 and in Tokyo on June 10, 2003 and the resolutions adopted at these meetings cannot bind our liberation organization to a particular framework of a final settlement."

He made clear donor governments could only support the peace process and encourage the protagonists to seek a negotiated political settlement but should not stipulate parameters for a political solution. Balasingham insisted that the Declaration issued after the Oslo Donor Conference on November 25, 2002 "only expressed strong support for the peace process and urged both parties to make further 'expeditious and systematic efforts, without recourse to violence to resolve the hard core issues."

Balasingham said: "The Sri Lanka Government, with the active collusion of its international tactical allies, the donor governments, have formulated several resolutions in the form of a Declaration to super-impose its own set of ideas on the LTTE. We have already rejected the Tokyo declaration as an unwarranted intervention by extra-territorial forces in the peace process. In an official statement on June 23, 2003, the LTTE leadership severely censured the government of Ranil Wickremesinghe for seeking refuge in the so-called international safety net' to resolve the political and economic crisis faced by the country, thereby shifting the peace process from third party facilitation to the realm of international arbitration."

Balasingham then delivers judgement on behalf of the LTTE. He says, "The position advanced by the UNP leaders that a framework for a political solution had emerged based on these three documents (i.e. so called Oslo declaration, the Oslo statement and the Tokyo declaration) is untenable and unacceptable. A solution to the ethnic conflict cannot be pre-determined by the resolutions or declarations of donor conferences, but has to be negotiated by the parties in conflict, without the constraints of external forces."

So, both to the UNP and the UPFA, the Tiger leaders have made the bottom line very clear. The LTTE has not and will not abandon its claim to secede and set up a separate state of Thamil Eelam. In saying so, they have termed a myth the so-called Oslo Declaration.

Therefore, the LTTE is insistent that its demand for an Interim Self Governing Authority should be discussed and institutionalized. Of course, they have so graciously extended a concession to the UPFA Government. That concession is to allow the government to raise any other proposal it has on the grounds that the demand for ISGA is not a "take it or leave it" stance.

So now, for President Kumaratunga the question is whether she succumbs to the LTTE demand and talks ISGA and ISGA only, then wait for a moment to say what her Government has in store. That is whilst the LTTE insists it reserves the right to secede and does not give her any political concessions in return.

The road to peace is still strewn with so many obstacles even if the Norwegians have now come up with a road map. Kumaratunga explained to Indian Prime Minister Manmohan during talks in New Delhi her Government's dilemma caused by LTTE's intransigence. She will do the same with Petersen and his colleagues.

The Economist shows Eelam: Lanka protests

Sri Lanka has drawn the attention of the London-based "The Economist" magazine to a cartographical error in the map that accompanied an article on Sri Lanka last month.

High Commissioner Faisz Musthapha is understood to have written to editor-in-chief Bill Emmott pointing out that the northern and eastern parts of Sri Lanka were shaded in a different colour and designated "Eelam".

The High Commissioner is understood to have pointed out to "The Economist" that the entire island constituted a single state named the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka and there was no Eelam.

Mr. Musthapha is believed to have urged The Economist to take early steps to correct an erroneous impression that could be created in the minds of readers by the map which purported to imply the existence of a separate state called "Eelam".

An oil for weapons deal

Iran and Sri Lanka are exploring the possibility of a bi-lateral deal where the former will supply crude oil on concessionary terms. In return Sri Lanka is to agree to purchase some of the country’s defence needs from Iran.

Insiders say an official delegation will visit Teheran shortly for talks in this regard. These talks are a prelude to a proposed visit to Iran by President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga.

The tiger camp bust

Even if it does not draw an official protest, the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission is somewhat embarrassed. New recruits to the Navy’s elite Special Boat Squadron was training in the jungles off the headworks in Kantalai. As they went deep inside, they discovered some abandoned huts. The men returned and sought instructions from Navy Headquarters on what to do.

Orders went to them to ask the SLMM monitors to accompany a team to the spot. It was done. In the presence of the SLMM monitors, the commandos destroyed what was left of the abandoned huts, suspected to belong to the LTTE.

Publicity to this event was to draw an angry response from one of LTTE’s Trincomalee leaders, Elilan. He said that the Tiger guerrillas had no such camps in the jungles off the naval headworks.

To prove their claims, Navy Headquarters released a photograph that showed the remains of what appeared to be a hut. Two persons on the photo were identified as SLMM members. One was posing for the picture. The other was busy with his back to the camera easing himself.

Doing that on the very ground where the Tigers reportedly held a camp was bad enough. Imagine that becoming a photo opportunity. That seemed worse for the embarrassed monitor.

Where the war was not won, but wealth was - Corruption in military purchases now cripples the crutches

The near two decades of war between the armed forces of Sri Lanka and Tiger guerrillas left behind many a legacy. The most important among them has been greater militarization. Strengths of armed forces and even the Police multiplied to unprecedented levels. Together their accumulated total countrywide was nearly 250,000. The Tiger guerrillas, even at the peak of confrontation in the North and East, never exceeded 20,000 cadres.

Accompanying this growth in numbers was another important factor - the acquisition of a variety of military equipment. If the upkeep of the swelling ranks cast a severe strain on the country's economy, the acquisition of military hardware only went to exacerbate it further. Every Sri Lankan had to bear the burden through direct and indirect forms of taxes.

Added to that are the threats they are exposed to from mounting incidence of grave crime. No longer were such activity carried out with Shot Guns, Kris knives and clubs. Replacing them are assault rifles, automatic pistols and grenades - all procured for war. This process saw the beginning of the proliferation of small arms in Sri Lanka. Paradoxical enough, the deserters who used them were also trained by the State. That has altogether spawned a new crisis.

During what is euphemistically called Eelam War 11 - the phase that began in 1995 with the launch of Operation Riviresa - to re-capture the Jaffna peninsula from Tiger guerrilla control, millions of dollars or billions of rupees were poured in for procurements. Tender and other evaluation procedures were relaxed. They were branded as "crisis purchases." But not all the equipment was worth the money that was spent. It only made some in uniform and others outside it very rich.

In the Army, for example, radars worth millions of rupees did not function, some varieties of ammunition were found to be dud. Body armour meant to save lives of soldiers was of such poor quality that bullets could penetrate easily. In the Navy a Hovercraft purchased at a cost of a million Sterling Pounds (now over Rs 160 million) has become a museum piece. Old Fast Missile Vessels (FMV) lay idle for want of engine replacements. Thus the available stock of missiles may become hazardous for use. A submarine chaser is idler than in use. Under water detection systems were ineffective. The Air Force ended up with helicopter gun-ships that could not fly. Laser guided weapons systems procured at great cost were left to idle. At least one of two C-130 Hercules troop transport aircraft has remained more on ground. One had to be stripped to obtain spares to keep the other airworthy.

These are just a few examples from a lengthy catalogue. Successive governments did not think it fit to conduct a study to ascertain where things went wrong. Not despite the fact that vast sums of money squandered would have been enough to fund much needed development projects. As a result some of the millionaires born out of this process escaped with their ill gotten wealth with little or no scrutiny.

The others, as revealed in these columns last week, are being investigated by the Commission to Probe Allegations of Bribery or Corruption. When legal action against them materialise, the public will no doubt have a glimpse of how comfortably some of them won their wealth even if the war was not won.

One would have thought the military establishment was wiser by the experience. But the cycle seems to be repeating itself. An example which clearly illustrates the situation occurred recently. The Army floated tenders to procure crutches for wounded soldiers under their care. When they were opened, it came to light that suppliers were able to provide them at a little over Rs 1700. An officer involved in the procurement process asked a colleague to go in civvies to one of the bidders and inquire about the local selling price. It came to light that the identical product was available for Rs 570.

The mark up, three times the original price, an Army source who spoke on grounds of anonymity said, was to provide for kickbacks to those who helped. Like in the case of crutches, such high mark ups are all too common says the source. Here again there is a paradox. On the one hand, funds from State coffers are paid out at unconscionable rates. On the other, members of the Army's Seva Vanitha are forced to take to the streets with till in hand to ask for public contributions for the welfare of soldiers. A case of the tax payer's money being channelled for procurements and the poor man's coins, at a time when they are hit by the soaring cost of living, into the tills.

But a study of the procurement needs of the armed forces for the coming year seems to have become a turning point. The Sunday Times (Situation Report - October 10) revealed how the National Security Council (NSC) at its sessions on October 5 examined the procurement needs of the Army. As reported in these columns, a moment of shock came when the NSC was told that the Army needed 98 Main Battle Tanks phased over a period of five years.

These Czech built T - 72 MBTs are estimated to cost more than Rs 100 million each and the total cost would have been a staggering over two billion rupees. In terms of this request, at least an average of 19 tanks per month would have cost Rs 1.9 billion. This is besides a catalogue of other items that would have cost billions of rupees more. President Kumaratunga who chaired the meeting requested the Army top brass to review their list and make a fresh presentation taking into consideration the economic situation in the country. Evidently the Army hierarchy has not properly appreciated threat perceptions taking into consideration the ceasefire, the ongoing peace process and the resources now available.

She has not stopped at that. President Kumaratunga has now appointed a four member Committee to review existing military procurement procedures. It is headed by one time Defence Secretary Chandrananda de Silva and comprises Rear Admiral (retired) Basil Gunasekera, a former Commander of the Navy, Air Vice Marshal (retired) Paddy Mendis, a former Commander of the Air Force and Chandra Wickremasinghe, a one time Sri Lanka Ambassador to France.

From November 1, this Committee has been studying existing procurement procedures in the Army, Navy and Air Force. They have been told to report to President Kumaratunga within three months on the changes that are necessary and how the procurement mechanism could be centralised for optimum efficiency.

The Government is likely to bring military procurements under the purview of a new National Procurement Agency (NPA). The Cabinet decided recently to set up a National Procurement Agency that will function in liaison with the Procurement Support Bureau of the Department of Public Finance in the Treasury. This agency is to be tasked with the responsibility of procuring goods and services for the Government besides issuing guidelines for tender procedures.

The office of the NPA will be on 17th floor of the West Tower at the World Trade Centre in Fort. Until such time the work of the NPA becomes fully operational, the existing Cabinet Appointed Tender Boards (CATB) and the Cabinet Appointed Negotiating Committees will continue.

A United States Pacific Command assessment of the armed forces of Sri Lanka declared that the procurement process in the armed forces was inefficient. Their study noted: The procurement process used throughout the SLM (Sri Lanka Military) needs review and revision. The process is cumbersome, slow and full of bureaucratic requirements that reduce the process to a state of ineffectiveness, and does not provide the flexibility needed to execute efficient procurement actions in a timely manner.

"Procurement decisions by the SLM are primarily based on the 'lowest bidder' concept. Though criteria/specifications are normally established for desired items prior to opening them up for tender, the criteria are often so broad that from year to year, a myriad of different manufacturers may be capable of meeting the prescribed specifications. Thus, over time, the number of makes and models of equipment used by the SLM has significantly increased the variety of equipment currently used by the SLM, resulting in a lack of standardisation within equipment that prevent economies of scale and create second and third order effects that impact equipment readiness rates, service life and capabilities.

"Additionally, the current procurement procedures required by the SLM in order to procure equipment and spares is bureaucratic, and inefficient. In order for needed spares or other items available in the SLM's supply system to be procured, requesting activities must use the same tender process that is used for the procurement of major items. This process calls for bids to be taken for at least 21 days before a contract can be awarded.

"The mandatory tender period, when combined with the administrative process used to process the request prior to announcement of the tender and the order ship time from foreign manufacturers can result in a three month to one year lag time in receiving spares and equipment. As a result of the SLM's current procurement procedures, equipment often awaits repair for extraordinary long periods of time and accumulate additional shortfalls that result from lack of use and cannibalisation."

The visit of the Pacific Command assessment team followed a meeting then Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe had with US President George W. Bush in Washington in July, 2002. The United States offered assistance to Sri Lanka to assess various elements of the country's national security and economic establishments. The Department of Defence was tasked to assist the Sri Lankan Military to assess a broad range of issues, including operations, doctrine, procurement, training and Professional Military Education.

In respect of procurements, the Pacific Command report recommended that: "The SLM must move toward a decentralized procurement system where certain category of items, with prescribed costs, can be procured by major subordinate logistics elements without specific approval from the service component level. Additionally, the full tender process should be waived for these items in order to reduce time needed to obtain critical spares and equipment.

"The decentralisation of procurement actions and lessening of controls related to the tender process will provide significant benefits to logistics personnel throughout the system and will improve readiness and responsiveness in key logistics areas such as equipment maintenance and spares availability."

In the wake of the UPFA Government's first budget later this month, the Appropriation Bill presented to Parliament by Finance Minister, Sarath Amunugama, reflected a rise in the defence budget to Rs 56 billion from last year's Rs 43 billion. Though this led to speculation of more military procurements, the Rs 13 billion increase reflected a rapidly declining rupee to the US dollar and an official inflation rate of 11.6 %.

Since the ceasefire successive Governments have down played the need for military procurements or to embark on new plans to ensure enhanced military preparedness. The previous United National Front (UNF) Government only replenished dwindling stocks of ammunition.

However, besides the Army, both the Navy and the Air Force have also placed their fresh requirements before the UPFA Government. The Navy is seeking Fast Attack Craft, guns for its existing FACs and radar among its requirements. The Sri Lanka Air Force is negotiating with the British Ministry of Defence to procure another Hercules C-130 transport aircraft. This aircraft had earlier been used by the Royal Air Force for meteorological purposes. A British firm is to re-fit this aircraft including advanced avionics for troop transport. The SLAF has two C-130s, former tanker versions, converted by the same British company. One is now undergoing overhaul in Jordan while the other is grounded for repairs. The SLAF has also sought transport helicopters.

Though late, President Kumaratunga's decision to streamline military procurement procedures is still salutary. The current "no war, no peace" situation underscores the necessity. The defence establishment cannot altogether ignore military preparedness. Sadly, this is the case today. Only the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) seems to be alive to this reality. They have used the period of the ceasefire to recruit, train and re-equip. They have thus built a much stronger military machine than the one that existed before the ceasefire.

These developments come in the backdrop of the Ceasefire Agreement of February 22, 2002, coming under severe strain. According to Jayantha Dhanapala, Secretary General of the Secretariat Co-ordinating the Peace Process (SCOPP), "cumulatively the record of violations ruled by the Nordic staffed SLMM (as at September 30) against the LTTE stands at 2,491 while the number of violations by the Government of Sri Lanka totals 113." In other words for every single violation on the part of the Government, there are nearly 23 by the LTTE.

Mr. Dhanapala told The Sunday Times "This reveals not only a wide disparity in numbers but also in the nature of the violations which in the case of the LTTE include political assassinations, torture, child recruitment and abductions while in the case of the Government violations, regrettable as they may be, are mainly in respect of harassment of civilians at checkpoints."

Mr Dhanapala added "Significantly, the highest number of violations by the LTTE has been in the Eastern district of Batticaloa totalling 690 violations since the casefire came into force. Fifty per cent of the violations in the district are of child recruitment and more recently there have been an increasing number of political killings by the LTTE. These cases are currently under investigation by the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission."

"Notwithstanding this, the Ceasefire Agreement," Mr. Dhanapala says "is holding up well with the support of the SLMM who has also devised ancillary confidence-building arrangements. These must be implemented in letter and in spirit." But despite the pious pronouncements of the SLMM Head, retired Norwegian Major General Trond Furuhovde, the widening disparity in ceasefire violations by Tiger guerrillas continues.

Though more suave than his predecessor, Maj. Gen. (retd.) Tryggve Teleffsen, neither the SLMM boss who is serving a second stint nor his organisation has so far been successful, as ceasefire monitors, to see a halt to the Tiger guerrilla spree of assassinations. If they say that it is not part of their mission then the question is one of whose responsibility it is? How does one explain the large number of LTTE ceasefire violations? The SLMM head and his organisation have only been successful in issuing comforting statements to the Sri Lankan public most of who have begun to question his as well as the Mission’s dwindling credibility. As one senior serving Army officer in an operational area declared, "they (the SLMM) have been successful in only explaining to the public why they should not be blamed. The time has come for them to play a more proactive and assertive role instead of saying sweet nothings."

Daily incident reports from the Joint Operations Headquarters (JOH) to the SCOPP speak of an average of one to two reported ceasefire violations by the LTTE in the Eastern Province. A SCOPP official said they were regularly in touch with the Monitoring Mission with regard to these complaints.

Once again, efforts to revive the peace process at summit level get under way in the coming week. Due in Colombo is Norwegian Foreign Minister, Jan Petersen, leading a high powered delegation. He will meet both President Kumaratunga and LTTE leader, Velupillai Prabhkaran. On hand to help Mr. Prabhakaran will be Chief Negotiator and his close advisor, Anton Balasingham. He is due in Colombo on Tuesday and is expected to fly in a Sri Lanka Air Force helicopter to Kilinochchi.

Besides taking the peace process forward, as already declared, Mr Petersen is to talk to both sides about the need to ensure the Ceasefire Agreement is upheld. It would not be a bad idea for Mr. Petersen to also remind the SLMM boss, Maj. Gen. (retd.) Furuhovde about this. Perhaps that may help the one time Norwegian soldier not only polish up his seemingly superb public relations but not give up a second time in disgust.