A funny adaptation by covert extortionists is to say Parabakaran (VP) will be very happy if this is done or VP will be very disappointed if this is not done. From Anandasangaree, Rajan Hoole, Thisaranee to Mangala and Ranil, this is a famous citation. But who cares if a particular cause of action makes VP happy, sad, disappointed, etc.? He is already dead currency.
When the LTTE was terrorizing the nation with its guerilla warfare which our security forces couldn’t handle a few decades ago, these extortionists said, unless the government get rid of the equitable university opportunity scheme in favour of the Tamils, VP will be very angry and the war will continue! When the surrender agreement (fancifully named CFA where I wonder what the “F” stood for as ceasefire is one word!!) was in full force these extortionists told the JVP, etc. not to say anything contrary to the ‘spirit’ of the surrender as this would anger VP! In 2006 when the SLAF restarted aerial bombing for very good reasons, these lunatics said VP will be very happy as people will voluntarily flock to his bunkers for safety! Some also said that VP would be happy to see a hardliners’ government as that would justify his violence!
When the security forces initiated their extremely successful strategy of retaliation, these cowards said that such retaliation will make VP very happy as the government forces would ‘degenerate’ into the level of the LTTE! If so, what about the Israeli forces? Now they say VP will become a legend if we do not give them such and such; he will be very happy if no federal setting or other political solution is advanced. So what; who cares about this terrorist, his likes, dislikes and aspirations. The Sri Lankan security forces have enough weapons to make him a non-entity. If not advancing a hasty political solution makes Parabakaran happy, let him be happy; so what? We are not scared of him; we neither hate him. We, the Sri Lankans, simply do not care what VP’s views are. It is as simple as that.
Therefore, it is futile trying to convince the nation that Parabakaran-centred thinking and decision making should continue. Do the Americans, Brits and the Spanish have Bin Laden-centred thinking? Definitely not; they go about their issues irrespective of what the 9/11, 7/7, 3/11 mastermind thinks and feels.
Some even say that if the will of the majority is executed as it should happen in any democratic country, many more Parabakarans will emerge. So what? The army is paid handsomely and equipped properly to kill any and all such terrorists. Let a million Parabakarans come, our gallant forces will send all of them to hell in one MBRL or air attack.
This may be an old strategy adopted by Parabakaran worshippers learnt from the ‘Ummagga Jataka’ (a fascinating Buddhist tale about how espionage was used to deter a powerful invader. When the invader surrounded the kingdom of the great Mahavshada intellectual, he used spies to tell the invaders that each of the invaders’ strategies was futile and each of their strategies in fact makes the inhabitants of the kingdom thrive whereas in fact they were suffering!).
This shows the extreme desperation these so called ‘moderates’ suffer from. They conveniently forget that the world had its share of resourceful terrorists including Ivan the Terrible, Hitler, Polpot, Pinoche, Idi Amin, etc. No one can stop them seeing the light of this world; it is also difficult to stop them as they have the power of Satan vested in them to cause bloodshed. What must be done is to destroy them in time at all cost. It should also be noted that had the killer of the Jaffna Mayor in 1975 was arrested and punished, there would never have been a LTTE. Further, if today’s paramilitaries were deployed in Jaffna from 1976-1983 with necessary impunity, there will never be a LTTE to wage war with the government.
I urge these moderate cowards not to further transact with Parabakaran’s dead currency. Nobody gives a damn about it. I also urge the government not to fall prey into their desperate attempts to force an unpopular cause of action; listen only to the voters and ardent party supporters as they know exactly what to do. It is commendable how Mahinda Rajapakse has courageously and insightfully handled the nation that was surrendered to the LTTE five years before he took office. The surrendered army became a winning army within one year. It should be emphasized that the President’s courage should be measured not by the extent of gratifying the voters of TNA, but by how he has amassed support from his voters and potential voters.
Championing separatists’ demands is not courage, it is cowardice as displayed amply by Parabakaran, ‘Tamil moderates’, the utterly coward Tamil Diaspora who can only finance and cry foul in support of the ‘Tamil struggle’ and cannot actively fight for it and children are forcibly fight on behalf of them! On the other hand, Chandrika did everything to destroy the SLFP votebases by repeatedly brining in unpopular devolution proposals. The JVP went from strength to strength at the expense of the SLFP. Insightful Rajapakse reversed this trend all the SLFP has regained all its lost votebases and today the JVP is looking towards the plantations to strengthen its ranks!! Good luck with their endeavors!
These moderate cowards are rather encouraged to make Sri Lanka-centred decisions instead. For instance, from a national point of view it is better to retain the unitary status as it is the most distant form of governance from disintegration; the Army, etc. must be given proper leadership so that they will crush the terrorists; aborted resettlement schemes and the Mahaweli scheme must be revived to develop the country; rule of law must reign supreme.
Let me point out another potential time bomb these ‘Tamil moderates’ will bring. When the war is over it is a must that all natural and other resources are exploited for national economic revival. Mannar oil, Pulmodai minerals, Eppawala minerals, Jaffna peninsula calcium carbonate deposits, huge arable land in Vanni, etc. must be used for national development as these were kept away from the national economy for decades. However, when plans are developed for the use of these, ‘Tamil moderates’ will cry foul! Why? Although these moderates try hard to hide their stripes, they are for the mythical Tamil homeland and will be utterly offended if the resources of that mythical state is used by Sri Lanka!! I urge the government to make it a point to use the resources in the North and the East for short term and long term economic returns as soon as possible. Hair splitting arguments on the best use of these resources should not be allowed to interfere with the decision to use them. Even Australia exports minerals in their crude state and Sri Lanka is justified in doing same. Absence of economic resources will eventually deter all separatists and international interferers.
Now the moderate cowards are panicking because if the security forces make Parabakaran minced meat, their begging bowl will be lost for good! When this happens, we can actually sit down and discuss what the political solution should be to advance the aspirations of Sri Lanka. There is no point crying about Tamil aspirations at the feet of the Sinhalese and the Muslims; they have their own aspirations; and those aspirations must be met before the aspirations of others to be considered. Above all the nation has its own aspirations; one such aspiration is the continuation of its pristine bravery amply displayed by ancient kings. The nation looks forward to accommodate trillions more in an undivided land. If the moderate cowards thought only they have aspirations, they are megalomaniacs themselves.
It’s high time that Sri Lankans learnt how to brand good and evil based on the intentions harboured by political entities and not on their displayed and self proclaimed statuses. A separatist is a separatist whether he is a moderate, terrorist or a member of the clergy. A few critical statements against the LTTE does not make one an enemy of the LTTE; compared to MBRL and heavy aerial bomb attacks by the security forces, these verbal bashings are nothing for the LTTE; they are in fact like the pats of a lover for the LTTE!! Anybody can criticize the LTTE today as it is weak, but only a few brave men can bomb them; and that’s all that matter now, not worthless and harmless words.
And politicians should learn how to priorities the interests of their particular voters; if they fail, their voters will send them home until true representatives are elected.
(http://www.lankaweb.com)
Wednesday, October 03, 2007
Army chief rings alarm bells in LTTE camps
Army Commander Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka, whose service was extended recently, in an interview told the 'Sunday Observer' that he wants to eradicate terrorism once and for all during his term of office.
The veteran battlefield Commander observed it is only a question of survival for the terrorist as many of their cadres have started abandoning the ship. Following are the excerpts of the interview:
Q: It was reported that the LTTE has strengthened its surveillance in the North by deploying more civilians. Are these civilians paid by the LTTE ?
A: No. They are not paid much but one member from each family have been asked to come forward and may be they are given food and accommodation, because the LTTE does not have money to pay them. The civilians, of course were well paid when the A9 road was opened, as the LTTE earned over Rs. 10 to 15 million a week.
(www.sundayobserver.lk)
Q: How many LTTE cadres are escaping or abandoning the LTTE now ?
A: Three or four cadres desert the LTTE but they do not come to our side due to difficulties to cross LTTE lines and mine fields. I think if they can cross safely more LTTE cadres would desert the organisation. But everyday more than four terrorists abandon the LTTE.
Q:Is it true that the LTTE is trying to provoke the military in Jaffna?
A: Provoking the military is the best option that they have now. If they want to overcome the present situation as they are down and fallen, the only option left for them is by capturing Jaffna. If they capture Jaffna they can recruit cadres from Jaffna area and also they can regain their lost prestige. Then the Tamil diaspora and the rest of the world will once again recognise them as a powerful organisation. Even so, they have to sacrifice a large number of their cadres to try to capture Jaffna. Other thing Prabakaran won't mind if he loses over 1,000 carders in the process.
But the question is that though he might lose 1000 cadres but still not capture Jaffna. Last time when he tried he lost around 500 cardres.
It will not be an easy task for them to enter Jaffna. Now we are more stronger than what we were last year. Last year, we were not ready and even our soldiers have not seen the battlefield for four years. In Muhamalai, there were soldiers who had never experienced a war situation but they did not abandon the battle. Now they are well experienced. However, now the LTTE faces a challenge to protect their defence lines rather than in attacking us.
Q: While the military says that the East is clear, Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) says that the LTTE activities are still going on in the region. What is the real truth in the East?
A: We do not say that we have killed the last LTTEer. We had weakened their military power. There may be terrorists. Even in Colombo there are terrorists. We have statistics about those who escape the LTTE and we know that they have reunited with their families. So, if they are in the rehabilitation process we do not want to arrest them. Sometimes there may be minor attacks by these sleeping cadres using their hidden weapons. Then anyone can say that we have not fully cleared the East. They should not forget the situation in the East a year ago.
Q: Still there are complaints about fresh recruitment by the Karuna faction. Do you agree?
A: According to information that we have received, Karuna faction has stopped recruiting people and they have also stopped child conscription. They have over 15 political offices in the East and their cadres are stationed in these offices. The government has invited the Karuna group to enter the democratic stream like the JVP who had given up their military activities.
Q: On what basis do you say that Karuna faction does not recruit people any more?
A: Because we know what is going on in the East now. There have been no complaints about such recruitment or child conscription. If they continue to do so we would come to know about it.
Q: Some political parties highlighted the need of disarming the Karuna group. Do they still openly carry arms despite the government announcement that only military and the Police can carry weapons?
A: We do not allow any group carrying weapons and try to engage in terrorist activities to replace the LTTE. At the same time, the LTTE have not given up attacking its political opponents in the North and the East. They have not stopped killing members of the political parties like PLOTE, EPDP and TELO. The latter group are always under attack. So, Karuna's people say that they will not carry weapons if the LTTE threats are totally eradicated. Other thing is we can not assure the 100 percent security for these people. Therefore, according to them, they are retaining their weapons for their own safety. But, legally, no one is allowed to carry weapons except the security forces and the Police. However, still our target is to eliminate the LTTE.
Q: Recently LTTE's political Leader S. P. Thamilselvam has said that the LTTE was on an 'intentional silent' mode. How do you see this statement?
A: Was the LTTE intentionally silent in the past ? The LTTE cadres are not there to be silent but they are there to attack the army and to take over the areas. If he says that he is intentionally silent it means that he does not do what he was supposed to do. He is sidelined. In the meantime, the LTTE is not capable to attack us and they are trying to survive.
Q: Once you have said that not only the politicians but also the military is responsible for making the LTTE stronger. Can you elaborate on it?
A: Yes. We are also responsible for our lapse in not vanquishing terrorists during the last 20-years. There were military victories as well as defeats. When there were military defeats it did not happen because of any fault of the politicians but due to the poor capabilities of those who handled them. They did not fight properly and they were not ready for battles. We have been given total freedom to handle the war the way we want. If one of our camps is captured now, can we put the blame to the politicians of today ?
These are not conventional battles. Those who are in the battlefront need to engage in the war with a total commitment and can not assign officers with average capabilities. We need military officers who have outstanding capabilities. But earlier there were no such system. Now we do not consider the seniority of the officers but it is the capabilities and dedication that push them up.
When we were ground commanders we never saw the top army brass in the battlefield. When I was the Commanding Officer of Jaffna, the then Army Commander visited us there only twice - once with a Minister and then with the Defence Secretary. But I had visited over 25 times during the last one and half years. when I am in the battlefront I can get a clear picture of what is going on there whereby no one can mislead me. Other important thing is when the soldiers know that everybody including top officials, are involved in the war they also do their best. But if they feel that only they have been harassed and pushed around while senior people are having good time while directing them from their air conditioned offices with personal interests, uppermost in their minds.
Q: Are you blaming your predecessors?
A: No, I am not letting them down. They were the best at that time and that is why they were made commanders. But if I am the Commander and if there is a debacle now I must take the full responsibility. I can not blame others. If there were problems and failures no body can say no. At the same time they are welcome to claim their successes.
Q: Do you think that the SLMM has a role to play now?
A: Their agenda was to report during peacetime, on CF violations. CFA is there but it had been violated after the LTTE attacked Kattaparichchan, Muhamalai and Mavil Aru. And the fighting started and it has been violated now. It is not our fault. We are doing a humanitarian operations. In the present situation, if we talk on ground reality I do not think the SLMM can report anything. They can live with a continuous single report. They can not end the report because they do not have the access due to continuous fighting from both sides. So there is nothing that the SLMM can report on.
Q: What is your destiny indicated in the horoscope?
A: My horoscope does not indicate anything adverse. Although I had a bad spell in the past I have managed to circumvent the ill effects of that period. But it seems that Prabakaran's horoscope is not good at the moment.
Q: After getting extension what would be your priorities?
A: The plan is to reach the balance. We did our best during the past one and half years. So with the new extension I have another 15-months in hand. This period is a long duration. I am sure the situation will improve much, before they talk about any more extensions.
The veteran battlefield Commander observed it is only a question of survival for the terrorist as many of their cadres have started abandoning the ship. Following are the excerpts of the interview:
Q: It was reported that the LTTE has strengthened its surveillance in the North by deploying more civilians. Are these civilians paid by the LTTE ?
A: No. They are not paid much but one member from each family have been asked to come forward and may be they are given food and accommodation, because the LTTE does not have money to pay them. The civilians, of course were well paid when the A9 road was opened, as the LTTE earned over Rs. 10 to 15 million a week.
(www.sundayobserver.lk)
Q: How many LTTE cadres are escaping or abandoning the LTTE now ?
A: Three or four cadres desert the LTTE but they do not come to our side due to difficulties to cross LTTE lines and mine fields. I think if they can cross safely more LTTE cadres would desert the organisation. But everyday more than four terrorists abandon the LTTE.
Q:Is it true that the LTTE is trying to provoke the military in Jaffna?
A: Provoking the military is the best option that they have now. If they want to overcome the present situation as they are down and fallen, the only option left for them is by capturing Jaffna. If they capture Jaffna they can recruit cadres from Jaffna area and also they can regain their lost prestige. Then the Tamil diaspora and the rest of the world will once again recognise them as a powerful organisation. Even so, they have to sacrifice a large number of their cadres to try to capture Jaffna. Other thing Prabakaran won't mind if he loses over 1,000 carders in the process.
But the question is that though he might lose 1000 cadres but still not capture Jaffna. Last time when he tried he lost around 500 cardres.
It will not be an easy task for them to enter Jaffna. Now we are more stronger than what we were last year. Last year, we were not ready and even our soldiers have not seen the battlefield for four years. In Muhamalai, there were soldiers who had never experienced a war situation but they did not abandon the battle. Now they are well experienced. However, now the LTTE faces a challenge to protect their defence lines rather than in attacking us.
Q: While the military says that the East is clear, Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) says that the LTTE activities are still going on in the region. What is the real truth in the East?
A: We do not say that we have killed the last LTTEer. We had weakened their military power. There may be terrorists. Even in Colombo there are terrorists. We have statistics about those who escape the LTTE and we know that they have reunited with their families. So, if they are in the rehabilitation process we do not want to arrest them. Sometimes there may be minor attacks by these sleeping cadres using their hidden weapons. Then anyone can say that we have not fully cleared the East. They should not forget the situation in the East a year ago.
Q: Still there are complaints about fresh recruitment by the Karuna faction. Do you agree?
A: According to information that we have received, Karuna faction has stopped recruiting people and they have also stopped child conscription. They have over 15 political offices in the East and their cadres are stationed in these offices. The government has invited the Karuna group to enter the democratic stream like the JVP who had given up their military activities.
Q: On what basis do you say that Karuna faction does not recruit people any more?
A: Because we know what is going on in the East now. There have been no complaints about such recruitment or child conscription. If they continue to do so we would come to know about it.
Q: Some political parties highlighted the need of disarming the Karuna group. Do they still openly carry arms despite the government announcement that only military and the Police can carry weapons?
A: We do not allow any group carrying weapons and try to engage in terrorist activities to replace the LTTE. At the same time, the LTTE have not given up attacking its political opponents in the North and the East. They have not stopped killing members of the political parties like PLOTE, EPDP and TELO. The latter group are always under attack. So, Karuna's people say that they will not carry weapons if the LTTE threats are totally eradicated. Other thing is we can not assure the 100 percent security for these people. Therefore, according to them, they are retaining their weapons for their own safety. But, legally, no one is allowed to carry weapons except the security forces and the Police. However, still our target is to eliminate the LTTE.
Q: Recently LTTE's political Leader S. P. Thamilselvam has said that the LTTE was on an 'intentional silent' mode. How do you see this statement?
A: Was the LTTE intentionally silent in the past ? The LTTE cadres are not there to be silent but they are there to attack the army and to take over the areas. If he says that he is intentionally silent it means that he does not do what he was supposed to do. He is sidelined. In the meantime, the LTTE is not capable to attack us and they are trying to survive.
Q: Once you have said that not only the politicians but also the military is responsible for making the LTTE stronger. Can you elaborate on it?
A: Yes. We are also responsible for our lapse in not vanquishing terrorists during the last 20-years. There were military victories as well as defeats. When there were military defeats it did not happen because of any fault of the politicians but due to the poor capabilities of those who handled them. They did not fight properly and they were not ready for battles. We have been given total freedom to handle the war the way we want. If one of our camps is captured now, can we put the blame to the politicians of today ?
These are not conventional battles. Those who are in the battlefront need to engage in the war with a total commitment and can not assign officers with average capabilities. We need military officers who have outstanding capabilities. But earlier there were no such system. Now we do not consider the seniority of the officers but it is the capabilities and dedication that push them up.
When we were ground commanders we never saw the top army brass in the battlefield. When I was the Commanding Officer of Jaffna, the then Army Commander visited us there only twice - once with a Minister and then with the Defence Secretary. But I had visited over 25 times during the last one and half years. when I am in the battlefront I can get a clear picture of what is going on there whereby no one can mislead me. Other important thing is when the soldiers know that everybody including top officials, are involved in the war they also do their best. But if they feel that only they have been harassed and pushed around while senior people are having good time while directing them from their air conditioned offices with personal interests, uppermost in their minds.
Q: Are you blaming your predecessors?
A: No, I am not letting them down. They were the best at that time and that is why they were made commanders. But if I am the Commander and if there is a debacle now I must take the full responsibility. I can not blame others. If there were problems and failures no body can say no. At the same time they are welcome to claim their successes.
Q: Do you think that the SLMM has a role to play now?
A: Their agenda was to report during peacetime, on CF violations. CFA is there but it had been violated after the LTTE attacked Kattaparichchan, Muhamalai and Mavil Aru. And the fighting started and it has been violated now. It is not our fault. We are doing a humanitarian operations. In the present situation, if we talk on ground reality I do not think the SLMM can report anything. They can live with a continuous single report. They can not end the report because they do not have the access due to continuous fighting from both sides. So there is nothing that the SLMM can report on.
Q: What is your destiny indicated in the horoscope?
A: My horoscope does not indicate anything adverse. Although I had a bad spell in the past I have managed to circumvent the ill effects of that period. But it seems that Prabakaran's horoscope is not good at the moment.
Q: After getting extension what would be your priorities?
A: The plan is to reach the balance. We did our best during the past one and half years. So with the new extension I have another 15-months in hand. This period is a long duration. I am sure the situation will improve much, before they talk about any more extensions.
Forces recover arms and ammo during search operations
In Batticaloa an LTTE cadre who was arrested by the Police Special Task Force committed suicide by swallowing a cyanide pill. This incident happened as the man was showing the security forces personnel the location of a haul of weapons.
The STF however managed to recover a T-56 assault rifle, 220 no’s T-56 ammunition, a hand grenade and 707 identification badges from the scene.
Meanwhile in Moneragala police recovered a claymore mine, a remote controller and T-56 ammunition hidden in a rock cave near Gelone Kanda yesterday.
The items were recovered on a tip off and is believed to have been hidden by the LTTE members, Media Centre for National Security reported.
(www.dailymirror.lk)
The STF however managed to recover a T-56 assault rifle, 220 no’s T-56 ammunition, a hand grenade and 707 identification badges from the scene.
Meanwhile in Moneragala police recovered a claymore mine, a remote controller and T-56 ammunition hidden in a rock cave near Gelone Kanda yesterday.
The items were recovered on a tip off and is believed to have been hidden by the LTTE members, Media Centre for National Security reported.
(www.dailymirror.lk)
Stop Tigers or it will be your problem
The problems Sri Lanka is facing with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) will become the problems of wealthier countries if more isn’t done to stop the group in countries like Cambodia and developed nations of the West, Foreign Secretary Dr. Palitha Kohona said.
“Terrorism is not an issue for one country. It is an issue for the entire sea of humanity,” he said. “Terrorism is a scourge that has to be eliminated wherever it might be found.”
“The LTTE has growing links with other terrorist organisations like the al-Qaeda and Jemaah Islamiyah,” said Dr. Kohona. The Tigers have its own Navy, merchant vessels and a small Air Force.
Countries like Cambodia and Sri Lanka need help in pursuing the group, Kohona said.
“We need expertise,” he said. “We need intelligence gathering assistance.”
The US, meanwhile, has listed the Tigers as a terrorist organisation. Earlier this year, US agencies disrupted a Tiger plot to smuggle high-tech weapons, missiles, ammunition and night-vision goggles out of the US. Undercover officers acting as State Department officials also caught operatives attempting to bribe them to have the Tigers taken off the US terrorist list.
Cambodian authorities recently broke up a human smuggling network run in part by the Tigers. The involvement of the LTTE in illegal activities in Cambodia came as no surprise to experts, who have watched the sophisticated insurgency transform in Phnom Penh since it began buying Cambodian weapons in the 1990s.
“The operations in Cambodia still exist to a great extent. However, it may not be focused in the same areas that it was focused in the late ‘90s,” said Shanaka Jayasekara, a terrorism researcher at Macquarie University in Sydney.
The LTTE, no longer need Cambodia as a place to “mop up” old weapons, Jayasekara told VOA Khmer, echoing other interviews with analysts and government officials over several weeks.
Their weapons purchases are more sophisticated now, but the criminal infrastructure put in place in the early 1990s, when Cambodia was its primary arms bazaar, is still there, enabling drugs and human smuggling, credit card fraud and money laundering.
“The LTTE has been involved in the narcotics trade for quite some time. They have also facilitated human smuggling of the Tamil diaspora through some of the Southeast Asian countries,” Jayasekara said.
Cambodia authorities say in August they broke up an operation run in part by Tigers intent on smuggling up to 250 Pakistanis and Sri Lankans to Western nations and Australia.
The bust was an indicator that efforts from Sri Lankan and Cambodian officials to unseat Tiger operations in the country had not been successful.
The Tigers earn hundreds of millions of dollars each year by collecting money from Tamil immigrant communities.
Tamil expatriates live in many Western countries, including Canada, Norway and Australia.
A lot of money comes from these groups, either by choice or through coercion, experts said.
Meanwhile, the Tigers also earn money by running guns to groups like the Abu Sayyaf, a terrorist group in the Philippines. And they smuggle Tamil people into Western countries.
This helps the Tigers fill their war chest and continue their fight against the Sri Lankan government, Jayasekara says.
“It’s a kind of a business opportunity for the LTTE. They make money out of it.
They also do it to take their key operatives to certain locations and place them in vital destinations so that their international network can be run more efficiently,” Jayasekara said.
At least two Tamil operatives escaped Cambodia’s August dragnet: Ranni Lerin and his brother, Lipton Lerin, who operated their human smuggling ring out of a cafe in Phnom Penh, authorities said in September.
The Cambodian Government made a public call to Interpol to help them capture the men.
Jayasekara said the flight of the two brothers likely has not halted the group’s activities, which are now being run by a man who officials know little about.
Officials say more needs to be done to rein in the Tigers, who have invented devices-including the suicide vest-and innovated techniques that reach Islamic terrorists.
(www.dailynews.lk)
“Terrorism is not an issue for one country. It is an issue for the entire sea of humanity,” he said. “Terrorism is a scourge that has to be eliminated wherever it might be found.”
“The LTTE has growing links with other terrorist organisations like the al-Qaeda and Jemaah Islamiyah,” said Dr. Kohona. The Tigers have its own Navy, merchant vessels and a small Air Force.
Countries like Cambodia and Sri Lanka need help in pursuing the group, Kohona said.
“We need expertise,” he said. “We need intelligence gathering assistance.”
The US, meanwhile, has listed the Tigers as a terrorist organisation. Earlier this year, US agencies disrupted a Tiger plot to smuggle high-tech weapons, missiles, ammunition and night-vision goggles out of the US. Undercover officers acting as State Department officials also caught operatives attempting to bribe them to have the Tigers taken off the US terrorist list.
Cambodian authorities recently broke up a human smuggling network run in part by the Tigers. The involvement of the LTTE in illegal activities in Cambodia came as no surprise to experts, who have watched the sophisticated insurgency transform in Phnom Penh since it began buying Cambodian weapons in the 1990s.
“The operations in Cambodia still exist to a great extent. However, it may not be focused in the same areas that it was focused in the late ‘90s,” said Shanaka Jayasekara, a terrorism researcher at Macquarie University in Sydney.
The LTTE, no longer need Cambodia as a place to “mop up” old weapons, Jayasekara told VOA Khmer, echoing other interviews with analysts and government officials over several weeks.
Their weapons purchases are more sophisticated now, but the criminal infrastructure put in place in the early 1990s, when Cambodia was its primary arms bazaar, is still there, enabling drugs and human smuggling, credit card fraud and money laundering.
“The LTTE has been involved in the narcotics trade for quite some time. They have also facilitated human smuggling of the Tamil diaspora through some of the Southeast Asian countries,” Jayasekara said.
Cambodia authorities say in August they broke up an operation run in part by Tigers intent on smuggling up to 250 Pakistanis and Sri Lankans to Western nations and Australia.
The bust was an indicator that efforts from Sri Lankan and Cambodian officials to unseat Tiger operations in the country had not been successful.
The Tigers earn hundreds of millions of dollars each year by collecting money from Tamil immigrant communities.
Tamil expatriates live in many Western countries, including Canada, Norway and Australia.
A lot of money comes from these groups, either by choice or through coercion, experts said.
Meanwhile, the Tigers also earn money by running guns to groups like the Abu Sayyaf, a terrorist group in the Philippines. And they smuggle Tamil people into Western countries.
This helps the Tigers fill their war chest and continue their fight against the Sri Lankan government, Jayasekara says.
“It’s a kind of a business opportunity for the LTTE. They make money out of it.
They also do it to take their key operatives to certain locations and place them in vital destinations so that their international network can be run more efficiently,” Jayasekara said.
At least two Tamil operatives escaped Cambodia’s August dragnet: Ranni Lerin and his brother, Lipton Lerin, who operated their human smuggling ring out of a cafe in Phnom Penh, authorities said in September.
The Cambodian Government made a public call to Interpol to help them capture the men.
Jayasekara said the flight of the two brothers likely has not halted the group’s activities, which are now being run by a man who officials know little about.
Officials say more needs to be done to rein in the Tigers, who have invented devices-including the suicide vest-and innovated techniques that reach Islamic terrorists.
(www.dailynews.lk)
Sri Lanka says no quick-fix to Tamil conflict
Sri Lanka cannot be pressured by the international community to bring about a political solution to its long-running separatist conflict, its foreign secretary T. B. Kohona said.
He said the government was searching for a political solution broadly acceptable to all the stakeholders while continuing to encourage Tamil separatists to renounce violence and enter the democratic process.
"The government invites the international community to support this approach and to understand that you cannot have a quick-fix solution," Kohona said in a talk at Georgetown University in Washington on Tuesday.
"A political settlement in a democracy has to be carefully and patiently negotiated with all the stakeholders," he said.
Kohona called "blind critics" those who argue that the government is pursuing a military solution to the Sri Lanka conflict, which has already claimed more than 60,000 lives since 1972.
"This is far from the truth," he said, adding however that Colombo's commitment to a political solution "does not imply appeasement of terror."
Sri Lanka is under pressure from key foreign backers not to pursue the military option, as Colombo steps up its fight against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) while at the same time insisting that its operations have been defensive and humanitarian in nature.
The United States, seen as more sympathetic to Sri Lanka's fight against the LTTE, which the US has designated a terrorist organisation, has urged Colombo against pressing ahead with a military drive.
The European Union and neighbouring India have also warned against an all-out military campaign.
Kohona referred to a Norwegian-brokered 2002 ceasefire, which fell apart following an escalation of fighting over the last two years.
The LTTE, he charged, "deliberately misused" the opportunity provided by the truce to prepare for further violence.
Citing the Northern Ireland situation as an example, he said that a truce must be accompanied by decommissioning of weapons, the laying down of arms over a period step-by-step and under proper supervision.
"A ceasefire or a cessation of hostilities is by its very nature fragile if it stands by itself in a vacuum, if it is not linked to a process which enables substantive issues to be addressed," he said.
(http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20071003/wl_sthasia_afp/ussrilankaunrest_071003055905&printer
=1;_ylt=AmNBJQlYY2WWP_yUq2F3.HruOrgF)
He said the government was searching for a political solution broadly acceptable to all the stakeholders while continuing to encourage Tamil separatists to renounce violence and enter the democratic process.
"The government invites the international community to support this approach and to understand that you cannot have a quick-fix solution," Kohona said in a talk at Georgetown University in Washington on Tuesday.
"A political settlement in a democracy has to be carefully and patiently negotiated with all the stakeholders," he said.
Kohona called "blind critics" those who argue that the government is pursuing a military solution to the Sri Lanka conflict, which has already claimed more than 60,000 lives since 1972.
"This is far from the truth," he said, adding however that Colombo's commitment to a political solution "does not imply appeasement of terror."
Sri Lanka is under pressure from key foreign backers not to pursue the military option, as Colombo steps up its fight against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) while at the same time insisting that its operations have been defensive and humanitarian in nature.
The United States, seen as more sympathetic to Sri Lanka's fight against the LTTE, which the US has designated a terrorist organisation, has urged Colombo against pressing ahead with a military drive.
The European Union and neighbouring India have also warned against an all-out military campaign.
Kohona referred to a Norwegian-brokered 2002 ceasefire, which fell apart following an escalation of fighting over the last two years.
The LTTE, he charged, "deliberately misused" the opportunity provided by the truce to prepare for further violence.
Citing the Northern Ireland situation as an example, he said that a truce must be accompanied by decommissioning of weapons, the laying down of arms over a period step-by-step and under proper supervision.
"A ceasefire or a cessation of hostilities is by its very nature fragile if it stands by itself in a vacuum, if it is not linked to a process which enables substantive issues to be addressed," he said.
(http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20071003/wl_sthasia_afp/ussrilankaunrest_071003055905&printer
=1;_ylt=AmNBJQlYY2WWP_yUq2F3.HruOrgF)
Monday, October 01, 2007
Lanka suspects LTTE of having satellite safe-houses
Sri Lanka suspects LTTE of having "satellite safe-houses" on the border of the rebel-held Mannar-Vavuniya districts, the lankan Defence Ministry said in a report today.
According to the report, the elite police Special Task Force personnel conducting search operations in Vavuniya, recovered a 500 feet long safety code yesterday.
"During the search operations conducted in general area Kurumankadu - along the Vavuniya - Mannar road, STF personnel recovered a 500ft length safety code. Defence sources estimate that LTTE maintains satellite safe houses and rendezvous locations in the borders of Vavuniya and Mannar Districts,"
(http://www.newkerala.com/oct.php?action=fullnews&id=7351)
According to the report, the elite police Special Task Force personnel conducting search operations in Vavuniya, recovered a 500 feet long safety code yesterday.
"During the search operations conducted in general area Kurumankadu - along the Vavuniya - Mannar road, STF personnel recovered a 500ft length safety code. Defence sources estimate that LTTE maintains satellite safe houses and rendezvous locations in the borders of Vavuniya and Mannar Districts,"
(http://www.newkerala.com/oct.php?action=fullnews&id=7351)
Violators as preachers: The shame of Diego Garcia
Now and then the heads of missions in Colombo, of the Transatlantic cousins come up for air and preach us homilies on human rights, the rule of law, disappearances and abductions and the gamut of what might be broadly called rights violations. Reading the words of American ambassador Robert Blake and his diplomatic colleague from the other side of the pond, Dominick Chilcott, one sometimes finds oneself in a dizzy world of moral intoxication.
Their preaching, not confined to the Sabbath, might have had moral validity had they practised for the world to see what they preach so universally. I don’t mean Messrs Blake and Chilcott (super power first, you would notice) personally but the countries they represent.
Since they represent their countries (or lie on behalf of them as the job description of diplomats goes) they must accept the strictures directed at their own countries since they have tried so cleverly to cover the mote in their eyes while pointing their fingers at others.
It would appear that if their countries violate the widely accepted moral code and international law such conduct is justified on the premise that they are fighting terrorism. However if others step out of line even marginally what is sauce for the goose does not apply to the gander.
This is not to say that one should brazenly or even tangently violate human rights or the rule of law if such conduct could be avoided. To fall back on another old saying two wrongs do not make a right, and all that. But it does take a bladder full of gall to condemn publicly what others are perceived to be doing when the accusers themselves are committing far worse crimes and have been doing it for a long time.
It is this kind of pretentious moral superiority that sticks in the craw and gives substance to accusations of double standards. It seems there is no moral equivalence between the west and the rest of the world. The west has been given, it would seem, a moral licence from up above to do as it pleases, when it pleases.
President George W. Bush has said he gets his directions from the deities-or rather a single deity-implying, of course, that he has divine sanction for his actions. Others, who do not pretend to such communion, must follow man-made laws.
I was reminded of such sanctimonious humbug when attending the 20th anniversary conference of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative over two weeks ago. Last Sunday I said I would return to that subject because of the announcement that the British Government is funding a four-year programme to build human rights capacity in the British Overseas Territories with the help of three Commonwealth NGOs.
Interestingly of the two British Government departments involved are the Department for International Development (DfID) and Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO). Why interestingly, will become clearer later. However it might be said immediately that in trying to bring human rights to British overseas’ territories (colonies really but the word is not politically correct these days) the British Government has made a serious omission. It has left out the British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT), a fiction created by the British to detach the Chagos islands archipelago from Mauritius and to deliberately mislead the United Nations in order to complete a secret deal with the United States to establish a military base on Diego Garcia, the main island.
As pressure for decolonisation built up round the world the UN passed Declaration 1514 in 1960 which held that all colonial peoples had an inalienable right to independence without conditions and alien subjugation was a “denial of fundamental human rights….” Instead of decolonisation Britain created the new colony of BIOT and took the Chagos archipelago from Mauritius on the promise of early independence for it.
The Anglo-American machinations alerted the UN whose General Assembly passed resolution 2066 of 1965 calling on the British Government “to take no action which would dismember the territory of Mauritius and violate its territorial integrity.” This was blithely ignored by Britain which went ahead anyway by creating the BIOT in November 1965 by amalgamating Chagos with some islands detached from the Seychelles. So much for respect for the United Nations and its resolutions!
When the secret negotiations with the US started in 1964 the Americans wanted not only Diego Garcia but the surrounding island cleared of any people. “Sanitised” and “swept” were the words the Americans used in documents released much later under the Freedom of Information Act, to achieve one of the clearest cases of ethnic cleansing in recent colonial history.
Hundreds of pages of documents, most of them marked secret, released to the public show that the governor of the Seychelles Sir Bruce Greatbatch was put in charge of “sanitising” the islands. He did such a great job of it. He summarily and forcibly evicted nearly 2000 persons from the islands mostly from Diego Garcia and literally dumped them in Mauritius-and some in the Seychelles- with only a suitcase each of their worldly possessions.
What is more Sir Bruce got rid of over 1000 dogs, pets of the Ilois or Chagossian people, by gassing the whole lot. At a Whitehall meeting prior to the eviction of the indigenous people, the Treasury representative “greatly preferred the ideal of a complete sterilisation in the islands.”
In order to avoid condemnation by the UN and others, Britain, supported by the US which could not care less what happened to the local population as long as they were dumped elsewhere, propagated the fiction that they were not permanent residents on the islands but “transient” workers employed as contract labour on the copra plantations.
By doing so British politicians and officials lied and misled the UN. Moreover neither the British nor the US ever told the truth to the government and people of Mauritius that the Chagos Islands were removed to build a military facility on Diego Garcia.They even lied to their own people. The secret deal entered into by Prime Minister Harold Wilson and the US was not known to the House of Commons or to Congress until about two decades later. Nor were they told about the virtual kidnapping of the islanders and their being dumped some 1000 miles away to live in poverty and destitution.
Article 7 of the statute of the International Criminal Court describes the “deportation or forcible transfer of population……..by expulsion or other coercive acts” as a crime against humanity. Not only are Britain and the US guilty of such a crime, the British Government has also shown its sheer contempt for the rule of law. It resorted to that archaic, centuries old Royal Prerogative- the Order-in-Council- to undermine the decisions of three British courts that ruled the eviction of the Chagossians, who had lived on those islands for at least two generations and some for five or more, was unjust and illegal.
In May 2006 the High Court in London in its ruling said: “The suggestion that a minister can, through an order-in-council exile a whole population from a British Overseas Territory and claim that he is doing so for the peace, order and good government of the territory is repugnant.”
Even then the British Government would not relent and was determined to nullify court rulings.In May this year the Appeal Court struck down an appeal against the earlier verdict that allowed the Chagossians to return home. Now the government has gone to the highest court, the House of Lords which is expected to hear the case some time next year.
The so-called “lease” under which the US military base continues, is due to end in 2016 but could be extended for another 20 years.
The US would not want to give it up because not only is it used as a base for air attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq (and Iran if war ever breaks out between them) but it is also said to be used as a detention centre for terror suspects as part of the US “rendition” process where torture of ‘prisoners’ is not unknown.
In fact it is said that Hambali (Riduan Isamuddin) the leader of the terrorist group Jemaah Islamiyah responsible for 2002 terrorist bombing in Bali is currently held in Diego Garcia where there is a secret facility for “ghost detainees” or “new disappeared”. The fact is that even today the people who were abducted and then abandoned in violation of UN declarations and resolutions and of international law are being denied their human rights.
The lies have continued over the years. Governments have conspired to keep the truth from their own elected representatives and their people and indeed the world. This conspiracy of silence and deceit is one of the most shameful episodes in British and US history. Yet the UK and US and their representatives strike a holier than thou posture though they have poor credentials, as credible preachers of morality.
(http://www.sundaytimes.lk/070930/Columns/thoughts.html)
Their preaching, not confined to the Sabbath, might have had moral validity had they practised for the world to see what they preach so universally. I don’t mean Messrs Blake and Chilcott (super power first, you would notice) personally but the countries they represent.
Since they represent their countries (or lie on behalf of them as the job description of diplomats goes) they must accept the strictures directed at their own countries since they have tried so cleverly to cover the mote in their eyes while pointing their fingers at others.
It would appear that if their countries violate the widely accepted moral code and international law such conduct is justified on the premise that they are fighting terrorism. However if others step out of line even marginally what is sauce for the goose does not apply to the gander.
This is not to say that one should brazenly or even tangently violate human rights or the rule of law if such conduct could be avoided. To fall back on another old saying two wrongs do not make a right, and all that. But it does take a bladder full of gall to condemn publicly what others are perceived to be doing when the accusers themselves are committing far worse crimes and have been doing it for a long time.
It is this kind of pretentious moral superiority that sticks in the craw and gives substance to accusations of double standards. It seems there is no moral equivalence between the west and the rest of the world. The west has been given, it would seem, a moral licence from up above to do as it pleases, when it pleases.
President George W. Bush has said he gets his directions from the deities-or rather a single deity-implying, of course, that he has divine sanction for his actions. Others, who do not pretend to such communion, must follow man-made laws.
I was reminded of such sanctimonious humbug when attending the 20th anniversary conference of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative over two weeks ago. Last Sunday I said I would return to that subject because of the announcement that the British Government is funding a four-year programme to build human rights capacity in the British Overseas Territories with the help of three Commonwealth NGOs.
Interestingly of the two British Government departments involved are the Department for International Development (DfID) and Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO). Why interestingly, will become clearer later. However it might be said immediately that in trying to bring human rights to British overseas’ territories (colonies really but the word is not politically correct these days) the British Government has made a serious omission. It has left out the British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT), a fiction created by the British to detach the Chagos islands archipelago from Mauritius and to deliberately mislead the United Nations in order to complete a secret deal with the United States to establish a military base on Diego Garcia, the main island.
As pressure for decolonisation built up round the world the UN passed Declaration 1514 in 1960 which held that all colonial peoples had an inalienable right to independence without conditions and alien subjugation was a “denial of fundamental human rights….” Instead of decolonisation Britain created the new colony of BIOT and took the Chagos archipelago from Mauritius on the promise of early independence for it.
The Anglo-American machinations alerted the UN whose General Assembly passed resolution 2066 of 1965 calling on the British Government “to take no action which would dismember the territory of Mauritius and violate its territorial integrity.” This was blithely ignored by Britain which went ahead anyway by creating the BIOT in November 1965 by amalgamating Chagos with some islands detached from the Seychelles. So much for respect for the United Nations and its resolutions!
When the secret negotiations with the US started in 1964 the Americans wanted not only Diego Garcia but the surrounding island cleared of any people. “Sanitised” and “swept” were the words the Americans used in documents released much later under the Freedom of Information Act, to achieve one of the clearest cases of ethnic cleansing in recent colonial history.
Hundreds of pages of documents, most of them marked secret, released to the public show that the governor of the Seychelles Sir Bruce Greatbatch was put in charge of “sanitising” the islands. He did such a great job of it. He summarily and forcibly evicted nearly 2000 persons from the islands mostly from Diego Garcia and literally dumped them in Mauritius-and some in the Seychelles- with only a suitcase each of their worldly possessions.
What is more Sir Bruce got rid of over 1000 dogs, pets of the Ilois or Chagossian people, by gassing the whole lot. At a Whitehall meeting prior to the eviction of the indigenous people, the Treasury representative “greatly preferred the ideal of a complete sterilisation in the islands.”
In order to avoid condemnation by the UN and others, Britain, supported by the US which could not care less what happened to the local population as long as they were dumped elsewhere, propagated the fiction that they were not permanent residents on the islands but “transient” workers employed as contract labour on the copra plantations.
By doing so British politicians and officials lied and misled the UN. Moreover neither the British nor the US ever told the truth to the government and people of Mauritius that the Chagos Islands were removed to build a military facility on Diego Garcia.They even lied to their own people. The secret deal entered into by Prime Minister Harold Wilson and the US was not known to the House of Commons or to Congress until about two decades later. Nor were they told about the virtual kidnapping of the islanders and their being dumped some 1000 miles away to live in poverty and destitution.
Article 7 of the statute of the International Criminal Court describes the “deportation or forcible transfer of population……..by expulsion or other coercive acts” as a crime against humanity. Not only are Britain and the US guilty of such a crime, the British Government has also shown its sheer contempt for the rule of law. It resorted to that archaic, centuries old Royal Prerogative- the Order-in-Council- to undermine the decisions of three British courts that ruled the eviction of the Chagossians, who had lived on those islands for at least two generations and some for five or more, was unjust and illegal.
In May 2006 the High Court in London in its ruling said: “The suggestion that a minister can, through an order-in-council exile a whole population from a British Overseas Territory and claim that he is doing so for the peace, order and good government of the territory is repugnant.”
Even then the British Government would not relent and was determined to nullify court rulings.In May this year the Appeal Court struck down an appeal against the earlier verdict that allowed the Chagossians to return home. Now the government has gone to the highest court, the House of Lords which is expected to hear the case some time next year.
The so-called “lease” under which the US military base continues, is due to end in 2016 but could be extended for another 20 years.
The US would not want to give it up because not only is it used as a base for air attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq (and Iran if war ever breaks out between them) but it is also said to be used as a detention centre for terror suspects as part of the US “rendition” process where torture of ‘prisoners’ is not unknown.
In fact it is said that Hambali (Riduan Isamuddin) the leader of the terrorist group Jemaah Islamiyah responsible for 2002 terrorist bombing in Bali is currently held in Diego Garcia where there is a secret facility for “ghost detainees” or “new disappeared”. The fact is that even today the people who were abducted and then abandoned in violation of UN declarations and resolutions and of international law are being denied their human rights.
The lies have continued over the years. Governments have conspired to keep the truth from their own elected representatives and their people and indeed the world. This conspiracy of silence and deceit is one of the most shameful episodes in British and US history. Yet the UK and US and their representatives strike a holier than thou posture though they have poor credentials, as credible preachers of morality.
(http://www.sundaytimes.lk/070930/Columns/thoughts.html)
Navy Disturbs Mannar-Pallimunai LTTE Supply Line
A special search team of the Sri Lanka Navy recovered a large stock of items which were laid in the beach areas of Katupalliya in Pallimunai close to Mannar around 3.15 a.m. today (01).
These items included:
Two (02)-Out Board Motor engines (9.9 & 15 Horse Power)
541 -Various types of Gaskets
335 -Motor cycle spark plugs
141 -Oil seal sets
98 -Kick starter paddels
And a large number of motor cycle spare parts.
The Pallimunai coast which is under continuous surveillance both from the land and from the sea side by the naval patrols noted attempts made by the tigers to increase smuggling activities during the last couple of months.
Naval troops geared with credible intelligence to say that the tigers in Vedithalathivu area (North of Mannar) are in desperate need of fuel, low Horse Powered motor engines, medicine items, boat spare parts, boat repairing items etc have geared up in all aspects to counter same being loaded to boats. As the land track seems to be difficult, the tigers have tried to take the sea route for their smuggling activities. As usual tigers have opted to take the cover of the innocent fishermen in order to hide their selves if intercepted out at sea.
A large number of information have been received by the navy (primarily from the local fishermen) and they have acted upon these to apprehend such items prior them been loaded to small boats. The tigers have always used to take their consignment to the beach areas of Pallimunai in order to be transported via sea. Surprised and timely search operations in the beach areas have thus far prevented those items being ended up in the tiger's hands.
Naval troops on 29th April this year recovered two (02) Hand Tractors, Tw0 (02) Out Board Motors, 1470 Ltrs of Diesel and a large number pf poly sack bags from Pesalai.
A significant recovery was made by the sailors on the 02nd of July when they searched a jungle area in an area called Karsal in Mannar and were able to recover ten (10) boxes of high explosives (C4) concealed in a 2000 Liter water tank. Meanwhile naval troops on the same day recovered arms and ammunition from Embalinagar in Mannar. These include T 56 weapons, ammunitions, magzines, 40mm Grenade launchers and 01 Kg of Gelignite.
Again on 27th July Navy recovered fuel items and some tires which were hidden in Pallimunai beach area.
These attempts by the tigers to smuggle items to mainly Vidithalathivu area and the effort put on by the sailors in Mannar area to avoid same has turned in favor of the Navy. The Navy has understood the importance of breaking the supply networks of tigers both internationally and locally in order to starve the tigers militarily.
(http://www.asiantribune.com/index.php?q=node/7603)
These items included:
Two (02)-Out Board Motor engines (9.9 & 15 Horse Power)
541 -Various types of Gaskets
335 -Motor cycle spark plugs
141 -Oil seal sets
98 -Kick starter paddels
And a large number of motor cycle spare parts.
The Pallimunai coast which is under continuous surveillance both from the land and from the sea side by the naval patrols noted attempts made by the tigers to increase smuggling activities during the last couple of months.
Naval troops geared with credible intelligence to say that the tigers in Vedithalathivu area (North of Mannar) are in desperate need of fuel, low Horse Powered motor engines, medicine items, boat spare parts, boat repairing items etc have geared up in all aspects to counter same being loaded to boats. As the land track seems to be difficult, the tigers have tried to take the sea route for their smuggling activities. As usual tigers have opted to take the cover of the innocent fishermen in order to hide their selves if intercepted out at sea.
A large number of information have been received by the navy (primarily from the local fishermen) and they have acted upon these to apprehend such items prior them been loaded to small boats. The tigers have always used to take their consignment to the beach areas of Pallimunai in order to be transported via sea. Surprised and timely search operations in the beach areas have thus far prevented those items being ended up in the tiger's hands.
Naval troops on 29th April this year recovered two (02) Hand Tractors, Tw0 (02) Out Board Motors, 1470 Ltrs of Diesel and a large number pf poly sack bags from Pesalai.
A significant recovery was made by the sailors on the 02nd of July when they searched a jungle area in an area called Karsal in Mannar and were able to recover ten (10) boxes of high explosives (C4) concealed in a 2000 Liter water tank. Meanwhile naval troops on the same day recovered arms and ammunition from Embalinagar in Mannar. These include T 56 weapons, ammunitions, magzines, 40mm Grenade launchers and 01 Kg of Gelignite.
Again on 27th July Navy recovered fuel items and some tires which were hidden in Pallimunai beach area.
These attempts by the tigers to smuggle items to mainly Vidithalathivu area and the effort put on by the sailors in Mannar area to avoid same has turned in favor of the Navy. The Navy has understood the importance of breaking the supply networks of tigers both internationally and locally in order to starve the tigers militarily.
(http://www.asiantribune.com/index.php?q=node/7603)
‘Tamil people are in LTTE’s bondage’
“I think the most important lesson is that we should not let things develop in Sri Lanka which would require the intervention of even our best and closest neighbour. We should learn to resolve our own disputes within our country… Peace is not far away… I do not believe in or seek a military solution,” says President of Sri Lanka, Mahinda Rajapaksa, talking to Hardnews Colombo Bureau Chief Bandula Jayasekara
The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord signed on July 28, 1987 completed its 20th anniversary recently. Does the accord still have relevance?
It is necessary to understand that subjective conditions have changed since this accord was signed 20 years ago. The situation in the east of Sri Lanka has changed significantly with the government being able to liberate it from the LTTE. There is also the decision of the Supreme Court which held that the temporary merger of the north and east carried out under the accord was not legally valid. It is necessary for us to respect the views of the highest judiciary of the country. Also, while we can see these changes, there is one unchanged factor still in place which the accord sought to change. I refer to the fact that the LTTE is still carrying arms and threatening the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. They have not abandoned the demand for a separate state within the territory of Sri Lanka.
As to the relevance of the accord, there was a symposium held in Colombo to mark 20 years of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord where many interesting points were made by Indian and Sri Lankan analysts about the success and failure of this agreement. It is necessary to view the accord in the context of the many changes that have taken place since it was signed. What are the lessons to be learnt from the accord? I think the most important lesson is that we should not let things develop in Sri Lanka which would require the intervention of even our best and closest neighbour. We should learn to resolve our own disputes within our country. Another lesson is the need for a more inclusive democracy in our country where no section of the people is left out of power structures. We should be able to better manage inter-communal relations among our people and provide all sections of the people with the necessary constitutional guarantees. They should not feel excluded from power or discriminated against.
Do you seriously think peace in Sri Lanka is possible in the near future?
Yes, I think peace is possible in the near future. Of course, with this dispute dragging with more than two decades of violent conflict, there can be a question of what is meant by the near future. But I think peace is not far away. My government is consciously working towards peace. I think it can be achieved sooner than many think.
How do you achieve it?
There are many approaches possible for peace. We shall have to settle for the best.
It must meet the aspirations of the Tamil people who are at present held in bondage by the LTTE. Whatever solution that we find must have the acceptance of all the people of Sri Lanka. This is where consensus, understanding and give and take are required.
Some feel your stress has been more to look for a resolution of the conflict at the military level and not so much at the political level. Is that correct?
This is totally incorrect. I do not believe in or seek a military solution. I firmly believe in a political solution. But one must not forget that the enemy, I face, is fully armed. It believes in violence and terror. It has shown no serious interest in a negotiated political solution. In that situation, I am duty bound to defend my country and its people. There are situations when a military response is needed for armed attacks on the government, its property and the people. That does not mean I seek a military solution.
How do you go about the devolution package where aspirations of people in the north and east are realised?
As I have repeatedly stated, it is my policy, and also in keeping with the mandate I have received, to bring about the widest possible measure of devolution which will meet the aspirations of the people in the north, east and rest of the country. We must be aware of the aspirations of all our people, and work towards a solution reflecting those aspirations. We must not be unfair towards any section of the people. When our policies are based on justice and fair-play for all, I think we can bring about the best devolution for the country and the people.
You have been insisting that India has to get involved in the peace process to make it workable at some time or the other. But given the political realities in New Delhi, do you think this is feasible in the next few months or years?
I believe in the important and useful role that India can play in helping resolve this crisis. I am also aware of the political realities in New Delhi. I cannot be blind to these realities. Nor can I set a time-table for India to get involved in the peace process here. But I fully appreciate how India has controlled the activities of the LTTE in Tamil Nadu which has been reported in recent months. Such co¬operation is most encouraging.
Is LTTE the cause or the effect of the decade long ethnic strife in Sri Lanka?
All I can say is that the LTTE is very much the cause of most of the violence and terror this country has witnessed in the past decade. As for ethnic strife, it is a larger issue. This goes much beyond a decade and requires a serious political solution.
(http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/portal/2007/10/1362)
The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord signed on July 28, 1987 completed its 20th anniversary recently. Does the accord still have relevance?
It is necessary to understand that subjective conditions have changed since this accord was signed 20 years ago. The situation in the east of Sri Lanka has changed significantly with the government being able to liberate it from the LTTE. There is also the decision of the Supreme Court which held that the temporary merger of the north and east carried out under the accord was not legally valid. It is necessary for us to respect the views of the highest judiciary of the country. Also, while we can see these changes, there is one unchanged factor still in place which the accord sought to change. I refer to the fact that the LTTE is still carrying arms and threatening the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. They have not abandoned the demand for a separate state within the territory of Sri Lanka.
As to the relevance of the accord, there was a symposium held in Colombo to mark 20 years of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord where many interesting points were made by Indian and Sri Lankan analysts about the success and failure of this agreement. It is necessary to view the accord in the context of the many changes that have taken place since it was signed. What are the lessons to be learnt from the accord? I think the most important lesson is that we should not let things develop in Sri Lanka which would require the intervention of even our best and closest neighbour. We should learn to resolve our own disputes within our country. Another lesson is the need for a more inclusive democracy in our country where no section of the people is left out of power structures. We should be able to better manage inter-communal relations among our people and provide all sections of the people with the necessary constitutional guarantees. They should not feel excluded from power or discriminated against.
Do you seriously think peace in Sri Lanka is possible in the near future?
Yes, I think peace is possible in the near future. Of course, with this dispute dragging with more than two decades of violent conflict, there can be a question of what is meant by the near future. But I think peace is not far away. My government is consciously working towards peace. I think it can be achieved sooner than many think.
How do you achieve it?
There are many approaches possible for peace. We shall have to settle for the best.
It must meet the aspirations of the Tamil people who are at present held in bondage by the LTTE. Whatever solution that we find must have the acceptance of all the people of Sri Lanka. This is where consensus, understanding and give and take are required.
Some feel your stress has been more to look for a resolution of the conflict at the military level and not so much at the political level. Is that correct?
This is totally incorrect. I do not believe in or seek a military solution. I firmly believe in a political solution. But one must not forget that the enemy, I face, is fully armed. It believes in violence and terror. It has shown no serious interest in a negotiated political solution. In that situation, I am duty bound to defend my country and its people. There are situations when a military response is needed for armed attacks on the government, its property and the people. That does not mean I seek a military solution.
How do you go about the devolution package where aspirations of people in the north and east are realised?
As I have repeatedly stated, it is my policy, and also in keeping with the mandate I have received, to bring about the widest possible measure of devolution which will meet the aspirations of the people in the north, east and rest of the country. We must be aware of the aspirations of all our people, and work towards a solution reflecting those aspirations. We must not be unfair towards any section of the people. When our policies are based on justice and fair-play for all, I think we can bring about the best devolution for the country and the people.
You have been insisting that India has to get involved in the peace process to make it workable at some time or the other. But given the political realities in New Delhi, do you think this is feasible in the next few months or years?
I believe in the important and useful role that India can play in helping resolve this crisis. I am also aware of the political realities in New Delhi. I cannot be blind to these realities. Nor can I set a time-table for India to get involved in the peace process here. But I fully appreciate how India has controlled the activities of the LTTE in Tamil Nadu which has been reported in recent months. Such co¬operation is most encouraging.
Is LTTE the cause or the effect of the decade long ethnic strife in Sri Lanka?
All I can say is that the LTTE is very much the cause of most of the violence and terror this country has witnessed in the past decade. As for ethnic strife, it is a larger issue. This goes much beyond a decade and requires a serious political solution.
(http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/portal/2007/10/1362)
‘Tamil people are in LTTE’s bondage’
“I think the most important lesson is that we should not let things develop in Sri Lanka which would require the intervention of even our best and closest neighbour. We should learn to resolve our own disputes within our country… Peace is not far away… I do not believe in or seek a military solution,” says President of Sri Lanka, Mahinda Rajapaksa, talking to Hardnews Colombo Bureau Chief Bandula Jayasekara
The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord signed on July 28, 1987 completed its 20th anniversary recently. Does the accord still have relevance?
It is necessary to understand that subjective conditions have changed since this accord was signed 20 years ago. The situation in the east of Sri Lanka has changed significantly with the government being able to liberate it from the LTTE. There is also the decision of the Supreme Court which held that the temporary merger of the north and east carried out under the accord was not legally valid. It is necessary for us to respect the views of the highest judiciary of the country. Also, while we can see these changes, there is one unchanged factor still in place which the accord sought to change. I refer to the fact that the LTTE is still carrying arms and threatening the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. They have not abandoned the demand for a separate state within the territory of Sri Lanka.
As to the relevance of the accord, there was a symposium held in Colombo to mark 20 years of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord where many interesting points were made by Indian and Sri Lankan analysts about the success and failure of this agreement. It is necessary to view the accord in the context of the many changes that have taken place since it was signed. What are the lessons to be learnt from the accord? I think the most important lesson is that we should not let things develop in Sri Lanka which would require the intervention of even our best and closest neighbour. We should learn to resolve our own disputes within our country. Another lesson is the need for a more inclusive democracy in our country where no section of the people is left out of power structures. We should be able to better manage inter-communal relations among our people and provide all sections of the people with the necessary constitutional guarantees. They should not feel excluded from power or discriminated against.
Do you seriously think peace in Sri Lanka is possible in the near future?
Yes, I think peace is possible in the near future. Of course, with this dispute dragging with more than two decades of violent conflict, there can be a question of what is meant by the near future. But I think peace is not far away. My government is consciously working towards peace. I think it can be achieved sooner than many think.
How do you achieve it?
There are many approaches possible for peace. We shall have to settle for the best.
It must meet the aspirations of the Tamil people who are at present held in bondage by the LTTE. Whatever solution that we find must have the acceptance of all the people of Sri Lanka. This is where consensus, understanding and give and take are required.
Some feel your stress has been more to look for a resolution of the conflict at the military level and not so much at the political level. Is that correct?
This is totally incorrect. I do not believe in or seek a military solution. I firmly believe in a political solution. But one must not forget that the enemy, I face, is fully armed. It believes in violence and terror. It has shown no serious interest in a negotiated political solution. In that situation, I am duty bound to defend my country and its people. There are situations when a military response is needed for armed attacks on the government, its property and the people. That does not mean I seek a military solution.
How do you go about the devolution package where aspirations of people in the north and east are realised?
As I have repeatedly stated, it is my policy, and also in keeping with the mandate I have received, to bring about the widest possible measure of devolution which will meet the aspirations of the people in the north, east and rest of the country. We must be aware of the aspirations of all our people, and work towards a solution reflecting those aspirations. We must not be unfair towards any section of the people. When our policies are based on justice and fair-play for all, I think we can bring about the best devolution for the country and the people.
You have been insisting that India has to get involved in the peace process to make it workable at some time or the other. But given the political realities in New Delhi, do you think this is feasible in the next few months or years?
I believe in the important and useful role that India can play in helping resolve this crisis. I am also aware of the political realities in New Delhi. I cannot be blind to these realities. Nor can I set a time-table for India to get involved in the peace process here. But I fully appreciate how India has controlled the activities of the LTTE in Tamil Nadu which has been reported in recent months. Such co¬operation is most encouraging.
Is LTTE the cause or the effect of the decade long ethnic strife in Sri Lanka?
All I can say is that the LTTE is very much the cause of most of the violence and terror this country has witnessed in the past decade. As for ethnic strife, it is a larger issue. This goes much beyond a decade and requires a serious political solution.
(http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/portal/2007/10/1362)
The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord signed on July 28, 1987 completed its 20th anniversary recently. Does the accord still have relevance?
It is necessary to understand that subjective conditions have changed since this accord was signed 20 years ago. The situation in the east of Sri Lanka has changed significantly with the government being able to liberate it from the LTTE. There is also the decision of the Supreme Court which held that the temporary merger of the north and east carried out under the accord was not legally valid. It is necessary for us to respect the views of the highest judiciary of the country. Also, while we can see these changes, there is one unchanged factor still in place which the accord sought to change. I refer to the fact that the LTTE is still carrying arms and threatening the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. They have not abandoned the demand for a separate state within the territory of Sri Lanka.
As to the relevance of the accord, there was a symposium held in Colombo to mark 20 years of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord where many interesting points were made by Indian and Sri Lankan analysts about the success and failure of this agreement. It is necessary to view the accord in the context of the many changes that have taken place since it was signed. What are the lessons to be learnt from the accord? I think the most important lesson is that we should not let things develop in Sri Lanka which would require the intervention of even our best and closest neighbour. We should learn to resolve our own disputes within our country. Another lesson is the need for a more inclusive democracy in our country where no section of the people is left out of power structures. We should be able to better manage inter-communal relations among our people and provide all sections of the people with the necessary constitutional guarantees. They should not feel excluded from power or discriminated against.
Do you seriously think peace in Sri Lanka is possible in the near future?
Yes, I think peace is possible in the near future. Of course, with this dispute dragging with more than two decades of violent conflict, there can be a question of what is meant by the near future. But I think peace is not far away. My government is consciously working towards peace. I think it can be achieved sooner than many think.
How do you achieve it?
There are many approaches possible for peace. We shall have to settle for the best.
It must meet the aspirations of the Tamil people who are at present held in bondage by the LTTE. Whatever solution that we find must have the acceptance of all the people of Sri Lanka. This is where consensus, understanding and give and take are required.
Some feel your stress has been more to look for a resolution of the conflict at the military level and not so much at the political level. Is that correct?
This is totally incorrect. I do not believe in or seek a military solution. I firmly believe in a political solution. But one must not forget that the enemy, I face, is fully armed. It believes in violence and terror. It has shown no serious interest in a negotiated political solution. In that situation, I am duty bound to defend my country and its people. There are situations when a military response is needed for armed attacks on the government, its property and the people. That does not mean I seek a military solution.
How do you go about the devolution package where aspirations of people in the north and east are realised?
As I have repeatedly stated, it is my policy, and also in keeping with the mandate I have received, to bring about the widest possible measure of devolution which will meet the aspirations of the people in the north, east and rest of the country. We must be aware of the aspirations of all our people, and work towards a solution reflecting those aspirations. We must not be unfair towards any section of the people. When our policies are based on justice and fair-play for all, I think we can bring about the best devolution for the country and the people.
You have been insisting that India has to get involved in the peace process to make it workable at some time or the other. But given the political realities in New Delhi, do you think this is feasible in the next few months or years?
I believe in the important and useful role that India can play in helping resolve this crisis. I am also aware of the political realities in New Delhi. I cannot be blind to these realities. Nor can I set a time-table for India to get involved in the peace process here. But I fully appreciate how India has controlled the activities of the LTTE in Tamil Nadu which has been reported in recent months. Such co¬operation is most encouraging.
Is LTTE the cause or the effect of the decade long ethnic strife in Sri Lanka?
All I can say is that the LTTE is very much the cause of most of the violence and terror this country has witnessed in the past decade. As for ethnic strife, it is a larger issue. This goes much beyond a decade and requires a serious political solution.
(http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/portal/2007/10/1362)
Mannar: After the battles
A house sealed by the Army to prevent looting at Silavatturai
A grave humanitarian crisis has developed in Manthai West, the uncleared area north of Mannar following the latest bout of fighting with thousands of people forced to live in the open jungle without any shelter. Bishop of Mannar Rt. Rev. Rayappu Joseph, who placed the total number now displaced north of Mannar at about 20,000, said many of them were without food, medicine and shelter and was especially critical of the ICRC for not rushing in assistance without waiting for security guarantees.
According to the Bishop between 9000 and 10,000 people were displaced in the uncleared areas of Manthai West since the latest bout of fighting from August 29. This was in addition to an equal number displaced in earlier fighting in May and June. Adding to the problem has been a recent LTTE directive to displaced people not to take refuge in the Madhu Church complex, which according to Bishop Joseph had been home to as much as 36,000 IDPs in 1990. The LTTE had issued the order fearing that the forces would capture Madhu with the displaced, hence its decision to move them to the interior.
Heaping further burdens on the humanitarian efforts is the closure of the Uylankulam entry/exit point by the ICRC demanding security guarantees after the latest bout of fighting. As a result all relief must travel to the area through Omantai and Kilinochchi.
In April the Catholic Bishop’s Conference in Sri Lanka in a written plea to President Rajapaksa requested him to declare “the Shrine of Our Lady of Madhu as a Neutral Area and a Zone of Peace” through a gazette declaration, but there has only been a verbal assurance from the President that forces will not take Madhu.
Security Forces Commander Wanni Maj. Gen Jagath Jayasuriya, while assuring that they would be careful about the church, fears that if a no-fire-zone extending to a two kilometre radius around the church is declared as requested it would become a haven for the LTTE. Gen Jayasuriya insists they have hard evidence from technical interceptions that the LTTE was already directing artillery fire from the periphery of the church.
Certain religious leaders have also warned that any attempt by the government to capture Madhu would result in Tigers destroying the shrine considered sacred by many Catholics in Sri Lanka.
Reacting to the Church allegations, Head of the ICRC Sub-delegation in Vavuniya, Claire Meytraud said that the biggest problem in taking assistance to those displaced was the fact they were scattered far and wide.
Ms. Meytraud said it was the duty of Mannar GA to demarcate a proper location to house those refugees. But, Mannar GA A. Nicholaspillai said the best place to house all of them was the Madhu shrine as it already had the necessary buildings and other infrastructure.
Also rejecting charges that they had done nothing to assist those displaced, Ms Meytraud said that in fact they had provided essential household items, mosquito nets, baby parcels and tarpaulins to displaced families at Athnamodai, Kovikulam, and Koorai totaling about 600 families last week and they had also cleaned a number of wells in those areas. And this week they were in the process of assisting displaced who had taken shelter at Kallayadi and Illukpaikadavai further to the North.
She said as there were many other INGOs and NGOs involved in distribution of assistance “the idea is not to compete, but to complement each other in assisting the victims.”
Mr. Nicholaspillai said the authorities can help the people to stand on their own feet by taking such measures as allowing night fishing and permitting the transport of some 16,000 gunny bags to Manthai West as they are urgently needed for the harvesting of about 1200 acres of paddy. The authorities have only permitted the transport of 2400 gunny bags. The area is also reeling from a shortage of fuel.The latest humanitarian crisis in the LTTE held areas was sparked off on August 29 evening when the LTTE unleashed a barrage of artillery on Army positions in the Mannar area probably sensing the build up of security forces for the impending lightning move to capture Silavatturai area south of Mannar and the Army retaliated on LTTE positions.
Some of those displaced from Silavatturai and Arippu told The Sunday Times that the LTTE had told them three days before the fall of those areas that they were leaving as the army was headed that way and asked the people to take whatever decision they wished.
Military sources said the military build up in the region would have been obvious to many, but they were kept guessing as to whether the army was moving south or North of the main supply route leading to Mannar. So much so the enemy had fled Silavatturai leaving behind a huge quantity of artillery shells, explosives, ammunition, weaponry and even a suicide boat all rigged ready to explode.
The latest communiqué from the Inter Agency Standing Committee (IASC) representing the INGOs operating in the North and East states that AGA, Manthai West reported on September 17 that 2078 IDP families (8,405 individuals) from 11 villages have been displaced since August 29 and the displacement continues.
On Tuesday September 25 morning when we were in the Murunkan region there was a fresh exchange of artillery, which according to Tamil sources was sparked by a new troop movement in the region, but the army insisted that one of its forward patrols had come under fire.
Following is a list of some of the measures taken by other INGOs to help alleviate the developing humanitarian crisis in the Manthai West as published by the IASC.
Shelter
Caritas-Hudec built two temporary sheds [50’ x 20’] in the Mulankavil area [Poonakary] to accommodate the 11 IDPs families displaced from Manthai West and now settled in the Mulankavil Catholic Church. World Vision reports that 25 temporary shelters out of a planned 200 shelters are partially complete in Vellankulam village in Mannar for newly resettled IDP families. On 19 September, FORUT handed over 66 temporary shelters to IDPs settled in Poonakary and Karachchi AGA divisions Kilinochchi through Foreign Ministry of Norway funding.
On 19 September, UNHCR reported that since Jan 2007, 6,090 temporary shelters have been constructed by humanitarian actors for IDPs in the districts out of a committed 8,293 shelters. As at 19 September, the Danish Refugee Council (DRC) had started the construction of 100 new temporary shelters in the Pandiyankulam area for IDPs displaced in early 2007.
During the reporting period, Solidar completed the construction of 15 temporary shelters in Puthukkudiyiruppu AGA division [Mullaitivu] and 11 temporary shelters in Paaliyaru [Manthai West AGA division-Mannar]
Food
On 17 September, WFP transported 130 MT of wheat flour to Kilinochchi and 20 MT of dhal for Mullaitivu’s dry ration distribution. 236 newly displaced families from Mannar settled in the Mulankavil area [Poonakary] were given supplementary food packs for two weeks by Caritas-Hudec last week.
Water and sanitation
UNICEF conducted a hygiene promotion programme on 18 September at the Mulankavil School for 250 displaced students and seven teachers. ZOA continue bowsering water to six IDP locations in Mulankavil [Poonakary] and five IDP locations in the uncleared areas of Manthai West. World Vision bowsers water to three IDP locations.
Hudec–Caritas built two temporary toilets at the Mulankavil parish for 11 IDP families originating from Mannar.
NFRI
On 14 September, Save the Children in Sri Lanka (SCiSL) distributed NFRI items to 109 IDP families recently displaced from areas closer to the Mannar FDL. On 18 September, 274 newly displaced families settled in the Kovilkulam and Aathimoddai villages in Manthai West AGA division were given NFRI assistance by ICRC.
Hope on the horizon
Mannar region might be wracked by violence as the security forces clear the area of Tigers, but there is much hope for its future with international NGOs and donors undertaking many projects to develop it along with the lives of its people. One of the most visible projects to be undertaken there, according to area military commander Brig. Channa Gunatillake, will be the construction of a new bridge by the Japanese to replace the temporary iron bridge put up by the RDA. Along with the new bridge, the Japanese will also build a new causeway to connect the Mannar Island to the mainland.
Mannar GA A. Nicholaspillai said the twin projects now expected to be launched by the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) at a cost of Rs1800 million next month are an outright grant from the Japanese government.
The GA said the World Bank too has two ambitious projects going. Under its North East Irrigated Agricultural Project it has undertaken to restore damage caused to the ancient Giant Tank, while also raising its bund to increase its capacity and redoing its channels for better water distribution. The Bank is also funding a North East Housing Development Programme. The Asian Development Bank too has undertaken a project on Community Rehabilitation and Development. In addition there are more than a dozen INGOs working on various other projects in the district.
Mr. Nichlospillai was however critical of a decision by authorities to restrict cement allocation to Mannar to just ten per cent of its requirements. It has crippled the entire housing sector, including foreign funded housing projects, he said. Earlier on same security grounds authorities restricted fuel supply to Mannar to just 20 per cent, but it is no longer a major issue as they have raised it to 60 per cent, the GA noted.
Mannar Bishop Rt. Rev. Rayappu Joseph also criticizing these measures said that if there are people involved in smuggling they should be caught and punished. But the allegation was that they were bribing check points and doing it. But, Brig. Gunatillake said they have taken action against wrong doers, but the problem is smugglers do not go through road check points, but by boat to LTTE held areas. The supply of fuel is more than adequate for Mannar Island’s needs as proven by the fact that the quantity brought in is not consumed in the same month.
As far as cement was concerned, the area military commander said that while they did not allow huge quantities to be brought in at once, all construction projects are allowed to bring in their cement requirements depending on the progress of the projects.
Silavatturai: winning the peace is the difficult task ahead
Retaking the Mussali AGA’s division comprising mainly Arippu, Silavatturai and Mullikulam villages would have been, to borrow a colloquial term, a cinch and as Mannar Bishop Rayappu Joseph put it “not a single soldier got a scratch”, but what made the Tigers flee in haste without firing a shot would have been the biggest bogey bugging them at present, the army’s deep penetration units.
We visited the recaptured areas last Monday, but for our bad luck and that of a visiting two member TV team from the London independent Channel Four it was no cake walk. It turned out to be a bone crunching up and down journey. First it was a ride on a buffel troop carrier from Nanattan to Aruvi Aru (Malwatu Oya in Sinhala) ferry point on the outskirts of Arippu and after crossing the river by boat it was on a far worse bumpy journey.
We were put on a tractor trailer on a coastal road that had not been maintained for decades for our journey from Arippu to Silavatturai, a distance of about six kilometres. But our misery was shared by Maj. Subash Siriwardena and Lt. Indika Ratnayake as they accompanied us as our guides and protectors with a corporal. All three of them and the army driver were armed with their T-56s and flak jackets. We too were provided with army bullet proof vests. This journey certainly taught us what many of our soldiers are undergoing often on a daily basis.
Before undertaking the capture of Silavatturai the army had certainly done its homework, while it had massed its troops in the Mannar region in the run up to the swift operation, it had kept the LTTE guessing as to its exact motives. The LTTE had been so sure of the army moving to capture Madhu; it had ensured that not a single displaced took refuge there, while sending signals through religious dignitaries that it would blow up the shrine, if the army moves to capture it. While all this was going on the army reconnaissance missions had done their job, they had located the exact location of the Sea Tiger base at Kondachchi, Silavatuirai and given its exact coordinates to the air force pilots to score a bull’s eye in hitting the centre of the base.
When we visited the base we found it to be surrounded by small bunkers, which were totally invisible from above due to the tree cover and the bunkers being topped off with coconut tree trunks and sand bags almost at ground level. To prevent identification from above the Tigers had even buried plastic water storage barrels up to their necks in the sandy soil of the area. Such painstaking reconnaissance tactics certainly had the effect of sending the Tigers off rather hastily and the arsenal they had left behind was testimony to it.
We were able to view the recovered impressive LTTE arsenal at the army camp adjoining the Thirukeswaran Kovil in Mannar. Among the items recovered were more than a hundred 81 mm mortar rounds of Chinese make and much of the other recovered items too were of Chinese make, including stocks of tinned mackerel in tomato sauce gifted by China to the World Food Programme.
The Tamil argument that the army took the region without having to fire a single shot can be amply seen from the fact that not a single building there had been damaged and not even a single pock marked building was seen except for some long abandoned buildings after some previous fighting.
What the army must do now is to wage a fight to save its good name. And that could be a much difficult task, unless it acts fast. Already the Church has complained about the loss of some of its property.
Bishop Rayappu Joseph told The Sunday Times that a ten-member church delegation that visited the recaptured areas had found that a lap top belonging to a sister from Pakistan had gone missing from their mission house at Silavatturai along with a generator, amplifier and some speakers.
Rt. Rev. Joseph also complained that people were asked to quit Mussali region with an half hour’s notice with the promise that they would be allowed to return within five days, but now weeks have passed and authorities are showing no sign of allowing people to return.
As an interim measure, he said he had asked permission from the army to allow a single individual from each displaced family to visit their properties as they were apprehensive about protecting their life savings. But so far he has had no favourable reply.
Wanni Army Commander Maj. Gen. Jagath Jayasuriya however assured that no sooner the police was properly established in the area, they would permit one householder from each family visit their properties in the company of the area gramasevaka and the police to check on their households and any genuine losses should be compensated.
A new police station was being established in a building adjoining the Mussali AGA’s building. It was quite obvious to any visitor that people in these affected villages had left their homes in haste leaving all their possessions, taking only what they can carry. And they would not have carried much either as they had to take their children, the old and the sick. We ourselves saw some of the houses had been left with their doors and windows open. Furniture and other belongings inside these houses could be seen from the road. Houses that had been left closed were further sealed by the army with a sticker. Boats that were left on the beaches were being collected by the army and were being taken to Arippu by tractors so that returnees could later claim them.
Mannar area military commander Brig. Channa Gunatillake, himself a Roman Catholic said extreme care was taken to guard the properties that came under their care with all troop movements being placed under Military Police check.
Brig. Gunatillake said the losses reported by the church were isolated incidents and they had permitted the church delegation to visit the area without any hindrance. While they have done their own investigations, the police had been tasked to investigate it further.
“The church delegation saw for themselves the measures we have taken to secure the belongings of people left behind”, he said adding that once security measures are in place in a couple of more days it would not be difficult to verify any losses. But it is no easy task as the villages abandoned by fleeing civilians looked more like ghost towns with livestock left behind being the only living creatures we encountered other than occasional movements of soldiers.
(http://www.sundaytimes.lk/070930/News/news00016.html)
Heavy casualties as battles in north intensify
An Army armoured vehicle on patrol in Silavathurai
*LTTE adopting different tactics - new skirmishes in East and alleged plans to attack
Jaffna
*Security forces launch operation from Mannar and achieve two major objectives
For the past eight days the Security Forces have continued a major thrust from their defended localities near the Western seaboard town of Mannar. Though it is premature to discuss details related to the aims and objectives since the offensive is ongoing, a look at the overall scenario in the North, including the Wanni, reveals a stark picture.
The military thrust northwards, along the landmass west of the Giant's Tank and the seas of the Gulf of Mannar began on Monday September 24. The troops are advancing in the direction of Viduthaltivu. It was only last week that I disclosed that the Tiger guerrilla activity in this coastal village was causing concern for the security establishment. This was after intelligence reports that the guerrillas were using hideouts in the neighbouring southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu to stockpile military hardware.
They were smuggling them across the shallow Gulf of Mannar. Like all their previous offensive operations, the Security Forces have not given a name to the ongoing thrust. They have carefully avoided it to prevent creating the impression that the operations are offensive in nature and pre-planned - a move that would draw adverse comments from the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) that they constituted ceasefire violations. Yet, the fact that the ceasefire since February 2002 now remains only on paper is well-known.
For over a week now, the mood in areas west of Vavuniya town has changed. From some 16 miles away, within the defended localities near Periya Thampanai, ambulances loaded with wounded soldiers whiz past towards Vavuniya with their sirens wailing. The more serious cases are air lifted in helicopters to hospitals in Anuradhapura. Some of them are moved to Colombo later.
The troops are meeting heavy resistance. But they are trying to push ahead. Direct contact with their enemy is still limited. Mines and booby traps planted on their approach route caused most of the injuries. They moved cautiously to clear them when mortar barrages from the guerrillas keep falling in rapid succession. The official count has been placed at two soldiers killed and 20 more wounded. However, senior military officials in the area whom I spoke on the telephone said the figures were much higher.
On the day when this offensive was launched (Monday September 24) troops also staged attacks on the guerrillas from many other fronts. South of the Wanni, it included the general areas of Mannar, Vavuniya and Weli Oya. In one such offensive at Tampanai, an officer of the Sri Lanka Light Infantry (SLLI) has gone missing with conflicting reports about his fate. Some eye witnesses had claimed they saw him fall wounded due to mortar fire whilst others suspect he was captured. In the encounters that ensued at Tampanai, two soldiers were reported killed and 31 wounded. Attacks on guerrilla positions have also continued in Kilaly, Muhamalai and Nagerkovil areas. In Muhamalai a soldier was killed when they attacked and destroyed a guerilla bunker.
It is not immediately clear whether attacks on other guerrilla positions took place. Yesterday, Mi-24 helicopter gun ships of the Air Force were strafing several positions both north and south of the Wanni sector. On Friday Air Force jets bombed several locations in the general area of Mullaitivu. In the encounters at Kilali, according to official figures from the military two soldiers were killed and 18 wounded. Despite the string of attacks on other locations, the focus of the Security Forces, it became clear, was the thrust northwards from the general areas of Mannar.
This thrust assumes significance for a number of reasons. The recent Security Forces re-capture of Silavathurai and Arippu areas, military officials claimed, has denied them a staging area to plan attacks on the City of Colombo and suburbs. This is besides using the area as a facility to unload military hardware and medical supplies smuggled across the Gulf of Mannar. They claimed that securing the area, setting up a Police Post in Silavathurai and adopting other security measures, have provided more depth in protecting Mannar and its environs.
But a greater significance lies in securing a swathe of land north of Mannar, along the coast. Preventing guerrilla boat movements across the Gulf of Mannar, thus restricting logistics supplies is just one reason. However, a more important reason in securing a substantial stretch along the western seaboard (north of Mannar) would be the great advantage it affords the Security Forces. This is in preventing the exodus of refugees to South India - a serious cause for concern for both the Central Government in India as well as the State Government in Tamil Nadu. Hence, achieving the twin objective of blocking the induction of supplies into Sri Lanka and preventing an outflow of refugees will bolster the Government's plans to step up the military offensive against Tiger guerrillas in other areas in the Wanni and the North.
This naturally imposes considerable pressure on the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Unlike in the East, where it had not dominated territory and consolidated its position, the Wanni, the focus of major military thrusts, remains different. Having taken advantage of the Ceasefire Agreement of February 2002 that conferred a vast landmass for them in the Wanni, over the years the LTTE had built up a vast infrastructure.
They include their own "tax collection machinery, a police service, a judiciary, prisons, an administrative structure" and other measures that have prompted the guerrillas to say they were virtually a "State in waiting." Hence, the battles in the Wanni are so different from those in the East. They are not battles to keep or lose territory but to defend a successful structure they have efficiently built up during more than five years of the ceasefire. This is why they have offered fierce resistance to prevent any incursion by the Security Forces.
This is why slowly but surely some of the ground realities are changing, at least for the Tiger guerrillas. Conversely they have become a puzzle for the State intelligence agencies. The biggest question for them is whether the guerrillas would soon cross the threshold from maintaining a stricter defensive posture to assume an offensive role. Though it may not assume conventional proportions, there are increasing signs the guerrillas may be moving in this direction.
One is a move to destabilise the Government-controlled Jaffna peninsula. Intelligence sources say there has been a marked increase in the infiltration of cadres into the peninsula through Thanankilappu and Ariyalai, across the Kalmunai Point that is separated by the Kilali lagoon. The guerrillas, they say, have been continuously monitoring Naval movements in the area. The guerrillas have also been positioning artillery at Kalmunai Point and neighbouring Nagathevanthurai that lay in the tongue-shaped stretch of land south of the peninsula.
There has also been infiltration of guerrilla cadres to the outlying islands. "Even if the build-up is not to stage a conventional style attack, which is difficult for them, the plans may be to trigger off improvised explosive devices and other attacks to cause instability," warns an intelligence source familiar with guerrilla plans in the North. He says this is mainly to distract the Security Forces whose focus now remains the North, particularly the Wanni region.
Coupled together with reports that the guerrillas are planning attacks on both economic and military targets in areas outside the North and East, the threat in the peninsula has to be viewed seriously, says the source. Here again, the idea is to distract the attention of the Security Forces by creating situations where they will have to deploy elsewhere. Contrary to claims that the guerrillas have lost their capability to carry out such attacks, the same source adds, "it only takes one or two of them (the guerrillas) to trigger off some thing." We will need large numbers to keep them on the hop. That means we have to continue at a very high level of alert all the time, he points out.
In the light of this, there are other significant developments too. Though still not on a highly worrying scale, small numbers of guerrillas have become active in all three districts of the East - Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara. In Trincomalee there have been reports of guerrilla intelligence cadres moving around in the Trincomalee town and Tampalagamuwa areas. They are also said to be active in Kumburupiddy, Kandalkadu and Kantale where groups had infiltrated civilian settlements.
For the first time since the re-capture of Toppigala in July this year, small groups of guerrillas had also returned to the Batticaloa district. They were reported to be moving around in Kokkadicholai and Vavunativu. Since troops moved into Toppigala, the guerrillas stepped up increased intelligence activity in Ampara. Guerrilla cadres have also had a string of skirmishes with commandos of the Police Special Task Force (STF).
Besides the very logical move of again distracting the attention of the Security Forces to the East, the guerrilla activity there, though small but growing, portends other serious problems. Main among them is a gradual build-up by the guerrillas, though under pressure in the Wanni, to destabilise the area. This is to achieve the twin objective of stalling the Government's ambitious development programme for the East as well as make it difficult for the conduct of local, and thereafter, the Provincial Council elections in the East.
The onerous task of holding Batticaloa, the pivotal district, has thus fallen on the Special Task Force. This is after Security Forces deployed in that area were gradually re-deployed for operations in the North. In the past weeks, even those who had retired from the STF have been re-called and offered placements in the district with attractive incentives. This is whilst the security establishment has set in motion an unpublicised move to gradually remove armed paramilitary groups from operating in the area.
In this backdrop, one of the key players, Karuna alias Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan has left Sri Lanka. During his stay of over an year, he not only enjoyed heavy protection but also visited camps of his cadres in the East. He also visited the political offices of the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP), his political party that has several offices in the East. Karuna's group was accused of a number of killings, kidnappings and abductions. Some of them were political whilst others were reportedly for extortion of vast amounts of money.
The move to rid the east of armed groups will be no easy task for the Government since the arms they carried were enormous in number. Thus, even if the paramilitary cadres that backed the Government would no longer be active, a process that will be largely time consuming, a bigger question would be how their arms are to be collected. If past experience is anything to go by, some of them may be sold to the underworld of criminals for a price - a further sophistication of the underworld modus operandi which has changed long years before from clubs and iron rods.
The military thrust near Mannar came just one day ahead of President Mahinda Rajapaksa's address to the 62nd session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York. He spoke on Tuesday afternoon (September 25). In a speech that clearly endorsed the view of his brother and Defence Secretary, retired Lieut. Col. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, he said, "terrorism any where is terrorism. Sri Lanka has taken an upfront position in the global community's efforts to deal with terrorism….."
He said, "Solutions sought for conflicts in various countries, must be indigenous. Otherwise, even if the international community is appeased, people in countries saddled with conflicts will not be satisfied. This will be a blow to democracy." Barely two weeks earlier, Defence Secretary Rajapaksa had declared that the Tiger guerrillas have to be defeated "100 per cent" for peace to return.
Also a day ahead of President Rajapaksa's speech to the UN, the LTTE issued a lengthy statement to set out its position vis-Ã -vis a number of issues. The statement said it was clear from the remarks made by Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, that the Government intends to intensify the war in the North. Secondly, it said, that the All-Party Representative Committee, which is formulating political proposals to end the ethnic conflict, was a "facade to fool the international community." Thus, the LTTE summed up its stance.
A rejoinder on what is to follow came again yesterday. That was also from Lt. Col. (retd.) Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, the Defence Secretary. He declared that the date for the end of the separatist war was not far off. The occasion was a ceremony at the Headquarters of the Sinha Regiment at Ambepussa where troops were remembering their dead colleagues. Their next of kin of those who died were present to hear the Defence Secretary make the pledge. That can only mean more fighting with Tiger guerrillas is a certainty in the coming weeks.
(http://www.sundaytimes.lk/070930/Columns/sitreport.html)
The impact of security measures on livelihoods in the Eastern Province
The resumption of the conflict in December 2005 and its intensification since late-July 2006, particularly in the Eastern Province, has resulted in loss of livelihoods to hundreds of thousands of people due to displacements and security-related restrictions on their vocations. Various journalists and humanitarian organisations within the country and outside have highlighted this unfolding human tragedy. However, there are no estimations done so far about the extent of loss of livelihoods due to mass displacements and security-related restrictions. It is clearly evident that there is an ongoing tension between the prerogatives of national security and human security in the context of a high-intensity civil war.
Since the Eastern Province is a coastal province and intense fighting took place along the coast from mid-2006 to mid-2007, undoubtedly fishing is the worst affected occupation in all three districts of the East. In addition, agriculture sector is also affected due to displacements, rise in the prices of inputs, and lack of market accessibility. Further, trade, both wholesale and retail, is also severely affected due to transport problems, numerous security checkpoints, general insecurity that keeps away shoppers, and the rise in cost of living that reduces the purchasing power of consumers.
The objective of this appraisal using qualitative survey methods was to undertake a rapid estimation of the extent of loss of output in selected occupations in selected areas in each of the three districts, viz. Ampara, Batticaloa, and Trincomalee. The pilot study estimated the extent of loss of livelihoods in the agriculture, fisheries, and trade sectors in selected areas within each of the districts of the Eastern Province. Thus, the pilot study assessed the loss of output (volume), loss of income (value), change in the prices of produce, market accessibility, problems encountered in livelihood activities, and alternative sources of livelihoods of 62 respondents engaged in farming, fishing, and trading. The sample may be representative of other farmers, fisherpersons, and traders in the East, but is too small to lend itself to meaningful quantitative analysis.
Methodology
A random sample survey was conducted among the affected communities of paddy farmers, fishmongers, and traders in all three districts. The pilot survey was conducted through semi-structured questionnaires for each of the three occupations covered. Thus, questions were open-ended. Altogether 62 questionnaire-based interviews were conducted in the three districts – Ampara 20, Batticaloa 20, and Trincomalee 22. By occupation, 23 fishmongers, 22 paddy cultivators, and 17 traders were interviewed.
The analysis is based on the responses of this small sample. Broader generalisations and conclusions await a larger survey if one is possible under the circumstances. Further, since fishing and paddy cultivation are seasonal occupations it is difficult to gauge the changes at any particular point of time. However, this pilot study could form the basis for further exploration of issues highlighted and discussed herein. This study was undertaken during the later half of August 2007, which is a very short time period for any empirical study.
Survey results
This section outlines and analyses the pilot survey results under six different variables.
Change in the volume of output
Due to mass displacements, particularly in Batticaloa and Trincomalee districts, productive activities are severely disturbed. The respondents were asked about their average production/output prior to the resumption of the conflict in 2006 and the current level. Fishing is the most affected livelihood activity, and Trincomalee is the most affected district.
In the agriculture sector, among the paddy cultivators interviewed, paddy output dropped by 40% in Trincomalee district, but in Ampara and Batticaloa districts there is hardly any change. In the fisheries sector, whilst fish catch declined significantly in Trincomalee and Ampara districts, the decline was marginal in Batticaloa district. Among the fishermen interviewed, the daily average fish catches dropped by 64% in Trincomalee, by 29% in Ampara, and by just 4% in Batticaloa. In the trade sector also, among the traders interviewed in Trincomalee district, since the resumption of the conflict, the average number of customers per day declined by one-third. In Batticaloa the decline was 13%, and in Ampara the drop was just 5%.
The foregoing figures indicate that Trincomalee is the worst affected district in the Eastern Province due to the resumption of the conflict.
Change in the value of output
In terms of value of output Trincomalee appears to be the worst affected. The other two districts have, in fact, increased their value of output/turnover, except fishing in Ampara
In the agriculture sector, paddy output in value increased marginally by 4% in Ampara district, and considerably by 10% in Batticaloa district. However, paddy output dropped by 24% in value terms in Trincomalee district among respondents. The increase in the average value of paddy output in Ampara and Batticaloa is due to higher price fetched as a result of lower output/supply. In Trincomalee also, the drop in the average value of paddy output (-24%) is lower than the drop in the average volume of output (-40%), which indicates that the higher price has partially offset the decline in output.
The average fishmongers in Trincomalee district has declined by 59% compared to the pre-conflict times. In Ampara, the drop was 10% in value. However, in Batticaloa district, the average value of output increased considerably by 21%. It appears that the higher price of fish due to the decline in catching has partially compensated for the loss of output in all three districts. In Batticaloa, the average fishermen increased by 21%, while the average in volume dropped marginally by 4%, which indicates that the higher price has more than offset the drop in output.
The daily average turnover among the traders dropped significantly by 35% in Trincomalee district. However, the daily average turnover increased considerably by 16% in Ampara and by 10% in Batticaloa. The drops in the average volume of customers (-33%) and the average value of turnover (-35%) are almost the same, in Trincomalee district, denoting very little increase in the prices of goods and/or quantitative reduction in consumption. On the other hand, in Ampara and Batticaloa districts, despite the drops in the average number of customers (-5% and –13% respectively), the daily average turnover has increased by 16% and 10% respectively, which is due to the rise in prices of goods.
Overall, the foregoing figures indicate that despite the drops in outputs/clients of various sectors, higher prices fetched by their produce and goods sold have partially or more than proportionally compensated for the losses in volume. Trincomalee district is the only district that has experienced drops in both the volumes and values of output/trade. However, the drops in the volumes have been higher than the values, because of price rise.
Change in the price of produce
The results in the previous two sections are vindicated by the results of this section. That is, the average prices of both paddy and fish have increased significantly, and the average number of employees in trading has dropped significantly now, compared to prior to the resumption of the conflict.
The average price of paddy has increased significantly in Trincomalee district (by 22%) and marginally in Ampara and Batticaloa districts (by 4% and 8% respectively) compared to the pre-conflict time. The increases in prices are due to drops in output/supply. Further, higher prices of paddy have increased the values of output, and thereby partially compensated for the losses in output.
Similarly, the average price of fish has increased significantly in Ampara and Batticaloa districts, and enormously in Trincomalee district among respondents. That is, the average price of fish has increased by 27% in Ampara, by 30% in Batticaloa, and by 182% in Trincomalee. This price comparison pertains to just one variety of fish only. The enormous rise in the average price of fish in Trincomalee is inadequately reflected in the average value of fish catch, presumably because the price comparison involved is just one variety but the total value incorporated all varieties.
The average number of employees in trade establishments dropped significantly in Ampara and Trincomalee districts, but there was no change in Batticaloa district among respondents. That is, the average number of employees dropped by 19% in Ampara and by 56% in Trincomalee. It is interesting to note that, in both Ampara and Trincomalee, the drops in the average number of employees (-19% and –56% respectively) are higher than the drops in the average number of customers (-5% and -33% respectively). However, in Batticaloa, despite a 13% drop in the daily average number of customers, there was no change in the number of employees.
These results reveal that, in Ampara and Trincomalee, traders have laid off more staff than warranted, whereas Batticaloa traders have not laid off any staff at all. This contrasting behaviour of traders may indicate that traders in Ampara and Trincomalee are less optimistic about any change in the present situation, whereas traders in Batticaloa are optimistic about a change, and therefore have retained their staff.
Market accessibility
Accessibility to market to sell/buy their produce/inputs is a severe problem faced by farmers, fishmongers, and traders in all three districts, except the fishermen of Batticaloa. Due to numerous security checkpoints along the major and minor highways throughout the Eastern Province, transport of goods within the province as well as to Colombo and other parts of the country is severely restricted. Besides, there are considerable losses incurred due to unloading and reloading of perishable goods such as fish at various security checkpoints.
All the 7 respondent paddy farmers in Trincomalee district opined that there is no easy access to market their produce and buy their inputs. Similarly, 4 out of the 6 and 6 out of the 9 respondent paddy farmers in Ampara and Batticaloa districts respectively also indicated lack of easy access to markets.
Among fishermen, 7 out of the 8 respondents in Trincomalee and 6 out of the 9 respondents in Ampara indicated lack of easy access to markets.
However, all the respondent fishermen (6) in Batticaloa opined that there is easy access to markets. All the traders in Ampara (5) opined that there is no easy access to markets in Colombo and other parts of the country to purchase goods.
Further, 4 out of the 5 respondent traders in Batticaloa and 4 out of the 7 in Trincomalee indicated lack of easy access to markets in Colombo and other parts of the country
According to knowledgeable sources, prior to August 2006 (i.e. prior to the closure of A9 highway in the North), about 45-50 buses were in operation daily between Trincomalee and Vavuniya carrying both passengers and cargo. However, since the intensification of the conflict in August 2006 the buses in operation have declined drastically to less than five a day. Besides, there is stringent checking of lorries and buses carrying cargo from the Eastern Province to Colombo and other parts of the country.
Nevertheless, the share of traders having no easy access to Colombo and other markets was least in the Trincomalee district.
(http://www.dailymirror.lk/2007/10/02/feat/04.asp)
Since the Eastern Province is a coastal province and intense fighting took place along the coast from mid-2006 to mid-2007, undoubtedly fishing is the worst affected occupation in all three districts of the East. In addition, agriculture sector is also affected due to displacements, rise in the prices of inputs, and lack of market accessibility. Further, trade, both wholesale and retail, is also severely affected due to transport problems, numerous security checkpoints, general insecurity that keeps away shoppers, and the rise in cost of living that reduces the purchasing power of consumers.
The objective of this appraisal using qualitative survey methods was to undertake a rapid estimation of the extent of loss of output in selected occupations in selected areas in each of the three districts, viz. Ampara, Batticaloa, and Trincomalee. The pilot study estimated the extent of loss of livelihoods in the agriculture, fisheries, and trade sectors in selected areas within each of the districts of the Eastern Province. Thus, the pilot study assessed the loss of output (volume), loss of income (value), change in the prices of produce, market accessibility, problems encountered in livelihood activities, and alternative sources of livelihoods of 62 respondents engaged in farming, fishing, and trading. The sample may be representative of other farmers, fisherpersons, and traders in the East, but is too small to lend itself to meaningful quantitative analysis.
Methodology
A random sample survey was conducted among the affected communities of paddy farmers, fishmongers, and traders in all three districts. The pilot survey was conducted through semi-structured questionnaires for each of the three occupations covered. Thus, questions were open-ended. Altogether 62 questionnaire-based interviews were conducted in the three districts – Ampara 20, Batticaloa 20, and Trincomalee 22. By occupation, 23 fishmongers, 22 paddy cultivators, and 17 traders were interviewed.
The analysis is based on the responses of this small sample. Broader generalisations and conclusions await a larger survey if one is possible under the circumstances. Further, since fishing and paddy cultivation are seasonal occupations it is difficult to gauge the changes at any particular point of time. However, this pilot study could form the basis for further exploration of issues highlighted and discussed herein. This study was undertaken during the later half of August 2007, which is a very short time period for any empirical study.
Survey results
This section outlines and analyses the pilot survey results under six different variables.
Change in the volume of output
Due to mass displacements, particularly in Batticaloa and Trincomalee districts, productive activities are severely disturbed. The respondents were asked about their average production/output prior to the resumption of the conflict in 2006 and the current level. Fishing is the most affected livelihood activity, and Trincomalee is the most affected district.
In the agriculture sector, among the paddy cultivators interviewed, paddy output dropped by 40% in Trincomalee district, but in Ampara and Batticaloa districts there is hardly any change. In the fisheries sector, whilst fish catch declined significantly in Trincomalee and Ampara districts, the decline was marginal in Batticaloa district. Among the fishermen interviewed, the daily average fish catches dropped by 64% in Trincomalee, by 29% in Ampara, and by just 4% in Batticaloa. In the trade sector also, among the traders interviewed in Trincomalee district, since the resumption of the conflict, the average number of customers per day declined by one-third. In Batticaloa the decline was 13%, and in Ampara the drop was just 5%.
The foregoing figures indicate that Trincomalee is the worst affected district in the Eastern Province due to the resumption of the conflict.
Change in the value of output
In terms of value of output Trincomalee appears to be the worst affected. The other two districts have, in fact, increased their value of output/turnover, except fishing in Ampara
In the agriculture sector, paddy output in value increased marginally by 4% in Ampara district, and considerably by 10% in Batticaloa district. However, paddy output dropped by 24% in value terms in Trincomalee district among respondents. The increase in the average value of paddy output in Ampara and Batticaloa is due to higher price fetched as a result of lower output/supply. In Trincomalee also, the drop in the average value of paddy output (-24%) is lower than the drop in the average volume of output (-40%), which indicates that the higher price has partially offset the decline in output.
The average fishmongers in Trincomalee district has declined by 59% compared to the pre-conflict times. In Ampara, the drop was 10% in value. However, in Batticaloa district, the average value of output increased considerably by 21%. It appears that the higher price of fish due to the decline in catching has partially compensated for the loss of output in all three districts. In Batticaloa, the average fishermen increased by 21%, while the average in volume dropped marginally by 4%, which indicates that the higher price has more than offset the drop in output.
The daily average turnover among the traders dropped significantly by 35% in Trincomalee district. However, the daily average turnover increased considerably by 16% in Ampara and by 10% in Batticaloa. The drops in the average volume of customers (-33%) and the average value of turnover (-35%) are almost the same, in Trincomalee district, denoting very little increase in the prices of goods and/or quantitative reduction in consumption. On the other hand, in Ampara and Batticaloa districts, despite the drops in the average number of customers (-5% and –13% respectively), the daily average turnover has increased by 16% and 10% respectively, which is due to the rise in prices of goods.
Overall, the foregoing figures indicate that despite the drops in outputs/clients of various sectors, higher prices fetched by their produce and goods sold have partially or more than proportionally compensated for the losses in volume. Trincomalee district is the only district that has experienced drops in both the volumes and values of output/trade. However, the drops in the volumes have been higher than the values, because of price rise.
Change in the price of produce
The results in the previous two sections are vindicated by the results of this section. That is, the average prices of both paddy and fish have increased significantly, and the average number of employees in trading has dropped significantly now, compared to prior to the resumption of the conflict.
The average price of paddy has increased significantly in Trincomalee district (by 22%) and marginally in Ampara and Batticaloa districts (by 4% and 8% respectively) compared to the pre-conflict time. The increases in prices are due to drops in output/supply. Further, higher prices of paddy have increased the values of output, and thereby partially compensated for the losses in output.
Similarly, the average price of fish has increased significantly in Ampara and Batticaloa districts, and enormously in Trincomalee district among respondents. That is, the average price of fish has increased by 27% in Ampara, by 30% in Batticaloa, and by 182% in Trincomalee. This price comparison pertains to just one variety of fish only. The enormous rise in the average price of fish in Trincomalee is inadequately reflected in the average value of fish catch, presumably because the price comparison involved is just one variety but the total value incorporated all varieties.
The average number of employees in trade establishments dropped significantly in Ampara and Trincomalee districts, but there was no change in Batticaloa district among respondents. That is, the average number of employees dropped by 19% in Ampara and by 56% in Trincomalee. It is interesting to note that, in both Ampara and Trincomalee, the drops in the average number of employees (-19% and –56% respectively) are higher than the drops in the average number of customers (-5% and -33% respectively). However, in Batticaloa, despite a 13% drop in the daily average number of customers, there was no change in the number of employees.
These results reveal that, in Ampara and Trincomalee, traders have laid off more staff than warranted, whereas Batticaloa traders have not laid off any staff at all. This contrasting behaviour of traders may indicate that traders in Ampara and Trincomalee are less optimistic about any change in the present situation, whereas traders in Batticaloa are optimistic about a change, and therefore have retained their staff.
Market accessibility
Accessibility to market to sell/buy their produce/inputs is a severe problem faced by farmers, fishmongers, and traders in all three districts, except the fishermen of Batticaloa. Due to numerous security checkpoints along the major and minor highways throughout the Eastern Province, transport of goods within the province as well as to Colombo and other parts of the country is severely restricted. Besides, there are considerable losses incurred due to unloading and reloading of perishable goods such as fish at various security checkpoints.
All the 7 respondent paddy farmers in Trincomalee district opined that there is no easy access to market their produce and buy their inputs. Similarly, 4 out of the 6 and 6 out of the 9 respondent paddy farmers in Ampara and Batticaloa districts respectively also indicated lack of easy access to markets.
Among fishermen, 7 out of the 8 respondents in Trincomalee and 6 out of the 9 respondents in Ampara indicated lack of easy access to markets.
However, all the respondent fishermen (6) in Batticaloa opined that there is easy access to markets. All the traders in Ampara (5) opined that there is no easy access to markets in Colombo and other parts of the country to purchase goods.
Further, 4 out of the 5 respondent traders in Batticaloa and 4 out of the 7 in Trincomalee indicated lack of easy access to markets in Colombo and other parts of the country
According to knowledgeable sources, prior to August 2006 (i.e. prior to the closure of A9 highway in the North), about 45-50 buses were in operation daily between Trincomalee and Vavuniya carrying both passengers and cargo. However, since the intensification of the conflict in August 2006 the buses in operation have declined drastically to less than five a day. Besides, there is stringent checking of lorries and buses carrying cargo from the Eastern Province to Colombo and other parts of the country.
Nevertheless, the share of traders having no easy access to Colombo and other markets was least in the Trincomalee district.
(http://www.dailymirror.lk/2007/10/02/feat/04.asp)
Pillayan to lead TMVP?
Former 'commander' of the Thamil Makal Viduthalai Pullikal (TMVP) Pillayan is set to lead the armed outfit and is already setting up his own multi-storied headquarters down Lake Road in the Batticaloa town, TMVP sources told the Daily Mirror.
The new developments come in the wake of Karuna Amman fleeing to Britain in the midst of the deepening internal rift between Pillayan and Karuna owing to alleged financial mismanagement and tit-for-tat killings.
However, when contacted TMVP spokesman Azad Maulana said the outfit was merely undergoing restructuring and that Karuna Amman still heads the TMVP. He however admitted a new office was being set up down Lake Road for Pillayan's political work. TMVP sources, however, claimed that the current TMVP headquarters in Batticaloa would be shut down while Pillayan makes his presence felt with new offices in Batticaloa and Ampara. Most of his cadres operating from Trincomalee have moved to Batticaloa forcing close allies of Karuna to flee towards Thoppigala. TMVP sources further said that at a high level party meeting at Welikanda on Friday it was decided to demand an explanation on the accounts from Karuna's fund raisers. "We found that 70% of the funds have been going to Karuna while only 30% was reaching the TMVP. So we will wait for the explanation this week before deciding on the next step," the source said.
Meanwhile, it is unlikely that Karuna would return to the country. There is strong speculation that the latest TMVP split has the backing of certain state elements in an attempt to divert negative international attention created by allegations of abductions, killings and child recruitment by the Karuna outfit. When asked by the Daily Mirror, TMVP sources said the allegations were true but claimed Pillayan was intent on disarming his cadres, releasing all child soldiers and purely focusing on political work.
(http://www.dailymirror.lk/2007/10/01/front/01.asp)
The new developments come in the wake of Karuna Amman fleeing to Britain in the midst of the deepening internal rift between Pillayan and Karuna owing to alleged financial mismanagement and tit-for-tat killings.
However, when contacted TMVP spokesman Azad Maulana said the outfit was merely undergoing restructuring and that Karuna Amman still heads the TMVP. He however admitted a new office was being set up down Lake Road for Pillayan's political work. TMVP sources, however, claimed that the current TMVP headquarters in Batticaloa would be shut down while Pillayan makes his presence felt with new offices in Batticaloa and Ampara. Most of his cadres operating from Trincomalee have moved to Batticaloa forcing close allies of Karuna to flee towards Thoppigala. TMVP sources further said that at a high level party meeting at Welikanda on Friday it was decided to demand an explanation on the accounts from Karuna's fund raisers. "We found that 70% of the funds have been going to Karuna while only 30% was reaching the TMVP. So we will wait for the explanation this week before deciding on the next step," the source said.
Meanwhile, it is unlikely that Karuna would return to the country. There is strong speculation that the latest TMVP split has the backing of certain state elements in an attempt to divert negative international attention created by allegations of abductions, killings and child recruitment by the Karuna outfit. When asked by the Daily Mirror, TMVP sources said the allegations were true but claimed Pillayan was intent on disarming his cadres, releasing all child soldiers and purely focusing on political work.
(http://www.dailymirror.lk/2007/10/01/front/01.asp)
Saturday, September 29, 2007
Sri Lankan military says it sank 3 Tamil Tiger boats in lengthy sea battle
Naval attack craft waged a three-hour sea battle with 20 Tamil Tiger boats off the eastern coast of Sri Lanka on Friday, sinking three of the rebels' vessels and killing one of their top naval commanders, the military said.
The battle, which also killed one navy sailor, came as fighting between the two sides near the Tamil Tigers' de facto state in northern Sri Lanka has escalated in recent days, leaving more than 60 rebels dead, according to the military.
The details of the clash could not be independently confirmed and rebel spokesman Rasiah Ilanthirayan could not immediately be reached for comment.
The naval battle began about 11 p.m. Thursday as 20 boats from the rebels' navy, known as the Sea Tigers, headed toward Pulmoddai, about 25 miles north of the eastern city of Trincomalee, a military official said, speaking on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to reporters.
The rebel boats were apparently trying to stage a mass evacuation of rebel fighters who were trapped in nearby jungles after a government offensive earlier this year recaptured the east from the Tamil Tigers, the official said.
Naval attack craft cut off the rebel boats, sparking a lengthy sea battle that led to the sinking of three rebel vessels, the official said. Military intelligence said it had intercepted rebel reports indicating that a top rebel officer, Lt. Col. Nishan Than, was among those killed, the official said.
One Sri Lankan sailor was also killed in the battle and another was injured, the official said.
Fighting along the front lines separating government-controlled territory and the rebels' ministate in the north has increased in recent days, with the military saying Thursday that 25 rebels, three civilians and one soldier had been killed in two days of fighting across the area.
The casualties could not be independently confirmed, but the rebels said the military was exaggerating their death toll.
The two sides have been fighting for more than two decades, with the Tigers demanding an independent homeland for minority Tamils in the northeast and the government, dominated by the Sinhalese majority, insisting that the country remain unified under a strong central government.
More than 70,000 people have been killed in the fighting, 5,000 of them since a 2002 cease-fire broke down nearly two years ago.
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(http://customwire.ap.org/dynamic/stories/S/SRI_LANKA?SITE=SLWIJ&SECTION
=HOME&TEMPLATE=DEFAULT&CTIME=2007-09-28-00-33-06)
The battle, which also killed one navy sailor, came as fighting between the two sides near the Tamil Tigers' de facto state in northern Sri Lanka has escalated in recent days, leaving more than 60 rebels dead, according to the military.
The details of the clash could not be independently confirmed and rebel spokesman Rasiah Ilanthirayan could not immediately be reached for comment.
The naval battle began about 11 p.m. Thursday as 20 boats from the rebels' navy, known as the Sea Tigers, headed toward Pulmoddai, about 25 miles north of the eastern city of Trincomalee, a military official said, speaking on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to reporters.
The rebel boats were apparently trying to stage a mass evacuation of rebel fighters who were trapped in nearby jungles after a government offensive earlier this year recaptured the east from the Tamil Tigers, the official said.
Naval attack craft cut off the rebel boats, sparking a lengthy sea battle that led to the sinking of three rebel vessels, the official said. Military intelligence said it had intercepted rebel reports indicating that a top rebel officer, Lt. Col. Nishan Than, was among those killed, the official said.
One Sri Lankan sailor was also killed in the battle and another was injured, the official said.
Fighting along the front lines separating government-controlled territory and the rebels' ministate in the north has increased in recent days, with the military saying Thursday that 25 rebels, three civilians and one soldier had been killed in two days of fighting across the area.
The casualties could not be independently confirmed, but the rebels said the military was exaggerating their death toll.
The two sides have been fighting for more than two decades, with the Tigers demanding an independent homeland for minority Tamils in the northeast and the government, dominated by the Sinhalese majority, insisting that the country remain unified under a strong central government.
More than 70,000 people have been killed in the fighting, 5,000 of them since a 2002 cease-fire broke down nearly two years ago.
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