Abomination

Mr. H.L. de Silva P.C. is an outstanding and senior lawyer whose views are respected by all sections of the political spectrum. He is one of the few Sri Lankan lawyers who has been forthright in his comments about the many constitutional changes that have been proposed in recent years. On Tuesday, as the Chief Speaker at the launch of the book titled Abomination (On the ISGA proposals) by well-known and even more outspoken lawyer. Mr. S.L. Gunasekera, he clinically dissected these proposals for an Interim Self-Governing Authority as proposed by the LTTE with devastating effect. (His speech will be serialised in The Island, commencing today)

Mr de Silva did not mince words in saying that these proposals had been made on the assumption that it would be ‘ a voluntary acceptance by the Government of Sri Lanka on its own death and demise and a precursor to the birth of then state of Tamil Eelam’. His conclusion was: ‘Negotiating with the LTTE on the basis of the ISGA is about as meaningful as seeking an agreement on terms of the epitaph for Sri Lanka that is to appear on its grave -stone’. Pointing out to the impossibility of the ISGA proposals being accepted particuarly because of the constitutional provisions, he asked whether anybody in his right mind would think that the government of Sri Lanka is prepared to consent, even notionally, to its dissolution and extinguishment as a single sovereign state by engaging with the LTTE in the name of peace.

Strangely, despite all these reasons adduced, it does appear that some sections of our political leadership having earlier expressed grave reservations on this proposals, are now prepared to negotiate. Others who opposed it the moment it was presented are now hemming and hawing about commencing talks with these proposals as the only basis for negotiations, as demanded by the LTTE.

The Tamil National Alliance, as puppets of the LTTE, demanding that talks commence immediately is no surprise. But now the UNP, which said that they were in disagreement with certain parts of the proposals, are now willing to commence discussions on the basis of the demands made by the LTTE. The CWC supporting the proposals on a racist basis coupled with its characteristic opportunism is also no surprise. The SLMC is opposing it on the grounds of Muslim representation being denied. But most surprising of all is that the SLFP leader Ms Chandrika Kumaratunga who breathed fire and brimstone on these proposals and called it a blue print for a separate state has strangely gone silent and appears to be hemming and hawing. Only the revolutionary JVP and the JHU of the Buddhist monks are still opposing it tooth and nail. On Monday at a meeting of the National Patriotic Front they clearly expressed their vehement opposition and a speaker for the JHU said that they would not hesitate to topple the government if they went ahead with the proposals. .

President Kumaratunga’s desperate attempts to secure a two- third parliamentary majority for amending the constitution which would enable her to contest for presidency for the third time, is well known. But if she risks creating the ISGA, the precursor to a separate state, as she herself has said, she has not learnt from her experiences. Former diplomat and Press Secretary to President Kumaratunga, Mr. Jayanath Rajepakse in a recent article in The Island pointed out that a main reason for the defeat of the PA government in 2000 and the UNF this year. The main advisors of both governments, he said, had ignored the major section of the Sri Lankan population, the Sinhalese.

One of the forces pushing the government hard to the negotiating table appears to be the ‘international community’ involved in the ‘Peace Process’. They are not unaware of the implications of these proposals and some leading officials have told their legislatures that these proposals are tantamount to a precursor for a separate state. If then what is their indecent hurry to get the government to negotiate on the terms of the LTTE? They are treating the Sri Lankan nation as a bunch of kids being enticed with a bag of sweets-the loan package of $(US) 4.1 billion. This money can’t wait they say. These funds are nothing more than the collective annual loan package of four years instead of the loans being given each year.

The objective of this arm twisting, to say the least, is not clear and goes against all what they have been saying on Sri Lanka: A united Sri Lanka and ‘no’ to a separate state.

Lawyer, S.L. Gunasekera has lucidly analysed the implications of the ISGA. In his speech at the book launch he pointed out that inspite of these proposals being out in November last year, there has been no defence or justifications of these proposals. Let those defenders of the proposals emerge from whereever they are and answer Gunasekera.

Abomination is a book that is a challenge to the advocates of the ISGA and those who are parroting ‘Peace’ and for commencement of negotiations on terms of the terrorists.

(http://www.island.lk/2004/09/29/editorial.html)

Norway going soft on LTTE – Douglas by V. S. Sambandan

COLOMBO, SEPT. 27. The Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) today warned that ``turning a blind eye’’ to the ``terrorism of the LTTE’’ could only usher in the ``peace of the graveyard’’ in Sri Lanka at the cost of democracy, pluralism and human rights of the island nation’s Tamils.

The EPDP blamed Norway for adopting a soft approach. Registering their protest, the EPDP demonstrators took to the streets here and placed the coffin of their latest victim, Somasundaram Varnakulasingham, who was shot dead here on September 23 `F3 outside the Norwegian Embassy for a short while.

However, after the Norwegian Envoy, Hans Brattskar, spoke to the EPDP general secretary and Cabinet Minister, Douglas Devananda, the demonstrators continued the funeral procession.

"We want the international community to exert more pressure on the LTTE to stop the killings," Mr. Devananda told The Hindu tonight after Singham’s funeral. Referring to the frequent meetings by the international community with the LTTE’s political wing leader, S.P. Tamilchelvan, the EPDP general secretary said: ``It is not enough if they meet Tamilchelvan, they must directly interact with the LTTE leader, V. Prabakaran, and exert pressure on him.’’

In a letter to Mr. Brattskar earlier today, Mr. Devananda wanted the Norwegian Government and the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) ``to admit their failure to protect innocent lives, particularly the lives of Tamil democrats’’ in the island.

Another anti-LTTE activist, Valli Sundaram (61), a member of the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF-Varathar faction) was shot dead in the northern Jaffna peninsula today.

Describing the killing as the continuation of attacks by the LTTE against parties opposed to it, Mr. Devananda said: ``in our house, funerals are becoming a recurring event.’’

The EPRLF-V in a statement tonight ``strongly condemned’’ the killing.

(The Hindu)

The ISGA an Epitaph for Sri Lanka? Address by H. L. de Silva (PC) at the book launch of Abomination

With the publication of his new book - "Abomination" (which is about the demand for an Interim Self Governing Authority, and not the abominable snowman) S. L. Gunesekera has fired yet another of his multi-barrelled rockets hitting many intended targets and on its way causing some collateral damage to some not so innocent bystanders! To S.L. and those like-minded, the ISGA and the LTTE and their fellow-travellers represent an abomination - an object of loathing and disgust. As you can see the cover of this book depicts a horrifying and sickening sight - the dead bodies of little children lying on the floor of the hovel they lived in, massacred along with other members of their family by the Tigers in their ethnic cleansing operations in the Eastern Province a few years ago. Pictorial representation of such gruesome crimes is perhaps the more effective demonstration than verbal condemnation of their barbaric ways and of the utter hypocrisy of their recent pretensions to uphold human rights and the rule of law pretentiously proclaimed in the lengthy preamble of the ISGA. But the book is not simply an emotional outburst. It is a reasoned analysis of what is to be expected, if the ISGA is implemented.

Some of you present here may not recall that some 18 years ago, during the regime of President Jayewardene, some representatives of the Government of Sri Lanka, at India’s bidding met with a group of politically active Tamils which included an assortment of those who are euphemistically termed "militants" a sanitized term for terrorists, in the Himalayan Kingdom of Bhutan in a sleepy town called Thimpu SL was a very articulate member of that delegation and was often involved in lively exchanges with the Indian Foreign Secretary Romesh Bhandari at pre-Conference consultations held at the Ashok Hotel in New Delhi in presenting his point of view. His comments were always direct and forthright, with no frills and as sharp-edged as they come in refreshing contrast to the namby-pamby, convoluted pontifications on this subject which we have been accustomed to hear for quite some time from so-called authoritative sources. SL as he himself confesses, is a misfit in politics and would be a disaster in diplomacy. But if you need a frank, no-holds-barred response to a difficult political problem, he is the man for the job. You may not like to hear what he has to say, but it will not be easy to dismiss the unvarnished truth of what he says. You may be amused to hear that SL was because of his initials sarcastically referred to in that group as "soft-line Gunesekera" which of course as you may have guessed was a barb directed at a less ebullient personality whose initials were unfortunately suggestive of the "hard line", but that, I assure you, was a mere coincidence - a misleading inference.

The ISGA has, in recent months and weeks, been subjected to many a critical analysis from diverse angles which have left little room for any one to doubt the futility of discussing the proposal even as an interim arrangement. It is a clear illustration of how a situation that purports to be provisional and temporary will harden over time to a permanent state of affairs. The truth of this apprehension is exemplified in conflict situations in other parts of the world apart from the merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Examples of this are the ceasefire line between the Turkish and Greek areas in Cyprus, the cease-fire line in Jamnu - Kashmir and the line of control of the West-Bank in Palestine and the Golan Heights. The ISGA is simply a surreptitious plan for the LTTE to expand and consolidate control over the cleared areas in addition to the uncleared areas in the Northern and Eastern provinces which commenced with the CFA. The demand for acceptance of its terms is an ultimatum, for its rejection means a resumption of the War which they confidently expect to win.

The ISGA could not have been seriously envisaged even by its authors as providing a basis for discussion because its major premise, its foundational assumption, would in effect be a voluntary acceptance by the Government of Sri Lanka of its own death and demise, as a precursor to the birth of the new State of Tamil Eelam, on the footing, as the 12th clause of the Preamble itself states, "that the LTTE exercises effective control and jurisdiction over the majority of the North-Eastern area of the island of Sri Lanka." One pauses to ask the question: Does anybody in his right mind think that the Government of Sri Lanka is prepared to consent even notionally to its own dissolution and extinguishment as a single Sovereign State to engage in a meaningless discussion with the LTTE supposedly in the interests of Peace? Is it not a subtle form of conditioning the mind of Sri Lankans to accept the inevitability of partitioning our island home? The banal assurances of respect for the territorial integrity of Sri Lanka so easily given by all countries which show any interest in our problem have a hollow ring when these very countries keep on urging the Government to settle with the LTTE, when it is manifest that their proposals are for the establishment of a Separate State and nothing else.

To put it quite bluntly, the essence of the ISGA is an invitation to discuss the arrangements for the creation of the new State of Tamil Eelam which necessitates as a precondition the death and demise of the supposedly moribund State of Sri Lanka. The proposal assumes that the death is to take place quietly, unwept and unsung, without that fact even being expressly mentioned as an event in the document. The fact of the death of the State as an event is simply ignored. That is the ultimate insult! It is as though one party is asked to acknowledge his own impending death and arrogantly requested to accept the invitation to discuss the details of succession to the inheritance of property which is being claimed by the other party, as an initial step, before the final appropriation of the assets.

What is surprising is that any Sri Lankan showing reluctance or who doubts the wisdom of taking part in this macabre exercise is regarded by the peace activists as being unreasonable, intransigent and according to a recent school of thought as being even mentally deranged! So even at the risk of being remanded to the House of observation for these comments, let me give you some of my own thoughts on the subject, however unpalatable they may be to others who want the ISGA accepted.

Although the expression "Self-Governing Authority" ordinarily would signify a body of persons empowered to exercise certain powers or perform certain functions, relating to the government of a people, the very first clause indicates that it is also synonymous with a designated area of territory and reads as follows:

An Interim Self-Governing Authority (ISGA) shall be established comprising the eight districts namely: Amparai, Batticoloa, Jaffna, Killinochchi, Mannar, Mullaitivu, Trincomalee and Vavuniya in the North East, until a final negotiated settlement is reached and implemented".

The "final negotiated settlement" is an uncertain event, of uncertain date which may never take place but the ISGA once established will continue as there is no date for its winding up. The clause does not merely indicate the jurisdictional limits of the Authority, the entity bearing this name is itself described as being comprised of eight of the districts of the territory of the Republic of Sri Lanka specified in Article 5 of the Constitution. In other words the ISGA is also identified with the territory represented by the aforementioned eight administrative districts of Sri Lanka. What about the ISGA’s powers and legal competence? Clause 9 succinctly sums it up: "The ISGA will have plenary powers for the governance of the North and East "As everyone knows "plenary" means "entire, absolute and unqualified". It means total autonomy over the eight districts. The rest of the clause itemizing the subjects is therefore tautologous as nothing is in any event excluded from its competence.

Land is specifically mentioned in Clause 16 which goes on to state the obvious that land is vital to the exercise of the powers set out in Clause 9 and that the ISGA will have "the power to alienate land and determine the appropriate use of all land in the North-East that is not privately owned. Clause 17 makes it clear that the territory of the ISGA constitutes another state because it states "the occupation of land by the Armed Forces of the GOSL.... is a violation of the norms of International Law." If international law is to govern the question, it can only mean that Sri Lanka as far as the North-East Region is concerned is deemed a foreign State. Then to leave no room for doubt, it goes on to enumerate the remaining assets which the ISGA will acquire apart from land i.e. marine and offshore resources, natural resources and the rivers running through the region. Although not mentioned everything under the land ( mineral resources) and the air space over the territory are all assumed to belong to the ISGA. Permission to over fly the region will have to be obtained.

The provisions relating to Finance are quite hilarious. There is only going to be an outflow of money from the Government’s Consolidated Fund to the North-East General Fund, and the income to be paid into the Fund is meticulously itemized in Clause 11. But there is no inflow from the North-East Region to the Consolidated Fund. It is all one way traffic. If I may borrow a quip from the Basques of Spain, the ISGA will be like the cow which has its mouth in the South and its udder in the North East!

In clause 10 of the ISGA, it is stated that separate institutions for the administration of justice shall be established for the North and East and judicial power vested in such institutions. This means that the existing Courts and Tribunals will be shut down. Even before the ISGA has been institutionalized we hear of bodies called the courts of Eelam functioning in the North and East that are reputed to hand down judgments and sentences in cases brought before them. The brand new courts complex in Trincomalee that was ceremonially opened only the other day will no doubt be peremptorily taken over if the ISGA is in place. Incidentally, there is more information on the subject in another document issued by the LTTE which has been sent to me by a friend from the University of Sabaragamuwa entitled "The Judicial Administration of Tamil Eelam. Its structure, functions and the duties of officials in charge." The Region it is said will have its own laws, lawyers and legal education. This document makes it clear that this region is to have its own system of courts with a Supreme Court at the apex. The system is expressly stated "to function on the basis of the direct approval of the National leader - V. Prabhakaran", in the very first clause - who is declared "to have the authority to reduce or increase the sentences of the Courts whenever the need arises and all laws are to be made with his approval." The National Leader is to be the fountainhead of all Law and Justice. After all he is Surya Devan and now Sarvadesh Thalevar!

An item of interest in this other document which amused me somewhat read as follows: "Judges should not have outside relations or contacts. If they have needs for such contacts, they could make such contacts with the Chief Justice or the official in charge of judicial administration" I shall not venture to interpret its precise meaning because it is obscure’ but some of you may think it is a salutary rule to adopt for the Judges in the rump State of Sihalam to ensure judicial independence!

Although there is only a brief reference to powers relating to the maintenance of law and order Clause 9.1 of ‘the ISGA in the other document which I mentioned, re Judicial Administration states that execution of judgments will be undertaken by the Police in criminal cases. The ISGA makes no reference to the question of defense presumably because it is assumed that it is entirely a matter for those who govern the North-East region. The concept of "self-government" envisaged in the ISGA is not limited to "internal self-government" but foreign affairs as well as seen by Clause 12 which empowers the ISGA to borrow both internally as well as externally, receive foreign aid directly and engage in or regulate internal and external trade. The governance of the North and East by the ISGA in short is to be independent and separate from the remainder of the original State.

Clause 9 of the ISGA does not go on to state that the ISGA will by agreement stand dissolved if no final settlement is reached or that its authority will be terminated. Under Clause 23 the operational period of the ISGA is of indefinite duration. In such an eventuality and since no time limit is fixed for the conclusion of the final settlement if the LTTE does not agree to the terms of the final settlement, the Interim Authority arrangement will continue ad infinitum and forever. Since the LTTE will not voluntarily wind up the ISGA, the designated districts would automatically acquire permanency and become an established fact, as the GOSL going by its present form would in all likelihood be unwilling to resort to armed force to compel the restoration of the status quo ante. If the ISGA (which also comprises territory) is renamed Tamil Eelam the creation of the new State would be complete - a consummation devoutly desired by the so-called votaries of peace, who are in truth the apostles of appeasement, despite their feeble remonstrances. Clauses .1,5 and 23 of the ISGA amply support the conclusion that the creation of a Separate State is the object and purpose of "institutionalizing the ISGA" as demanded by the LTTE.

What else is intended by the insistence of the LTTE that the ISGA be "the sole basis" of the talks? It simply means that it will be "the common ground for negotiations, the foundation and the determining principle of the talks". The LTTE has also ruled out in advance the consideration of any counter proposals by the Government. So consideration of the Oslo Declaration and Tokyo Agreements, as suggested by the UNF, is ruled out in advance. Understandably, if the LTTE "basis" contemplates a Separate State, as I have shown as its essential postulate, there cannot be the simultaneous consideration of any proposal on another and different basis, involving the continuing territorial integrity of Sri Lanka as a single State because the first basis of a separate State necessarily excludes the concept of an undivided State of Sri Lanka. It is as simple as that. It is as though in a matrimonial dispute, one spouse is saying that he or she wants a divorce and the other insists on staying married. So if, both parties insist on the two distinct "bases" for a joint discussion or negotiation, the resultant deadlock will be a foregone conclusion and we will be treated to the spectacle of two monologues, unless of course, (and this is what is dreaded most of all), the GOSL, is browbeaten and bludgeoned into submission at the negotiating table with the help of the quislings in our midst. Then we shall have another Munich and the inevitable proclamation of "Peace with Honour" a la Neville Chamberlain! You may be relieved to hear that in my opinion, this is an unlikely scenario and I sincerely hope I am not wrong!

The conjoint effect of these three main provisions (clauses 19 and 23) and related provisions of the ISGA is to displace the Constitution of the Republic of Sri Lanka as the ultimate norm and substitute a new grand norm as far as the eight administrative districts of the Northern and Eastern Provinces are concerned and the three branches of the Government of Sri Lanka will cease to exercise any of their powers in respect of the specified areas.

The question anyone is likely to ask is has the Government of Sri Lanka represented by the three branches of government, the power or authority under the Constitution to enter into negotiations on the requested basis? If the answer is in the negative, then all the hot air expended on these proposals is time wasted. It has no legal significance or constitutional effect The reason for this incapacity or incompetence is that the Constitution of Sri Lanka prohibits all persons governed by it or holding legal authority under it to act contrary to express prohibitions contained in the Constitution. Article 82 of the Constitution makes it manifest that no provision of the Constitution can be repealed or replaced except in terms of that provision which contemplates action by Parliament and the approval of the People at a referendum.

Neither the Sri Lankan Parliament, nor the Executive President nor the Judiciary can enter into any agreement with the leader of the LTTE or with Beelzebub himself to do any act which is not authorized by the Constitution. Under Article 75 Parliament cannot make any law suspending the operation of the Constitution or may part of the Constitution as to any part of the territory of the Republic. Under Article 38(2) even the President cannot intentionally violate the Constitution except upon pain of removal from office. Under Article 105 the Courts which are the established institutions for the administration of justice, are under a duty to vindicate and enforce the rights of the People under the Constitution. The People of Sri Lanka are surely entitled to know whether the Government of Sri Lanka can ever agree to accept the institutionalizing the ISGA without violating its own Constitution. Article 129 prescribes the procedure under which the opinion of the Supreme Court may be authoritatively ascertained if the President makes a request for such opinion as she ought to do. Under Article 157A of the Constitution no person can directly or indirectly in or outside Sri Lanka in Oslo, Tokyo or Sattahip or Killinochchi, or elsewhere promote the establishment of a separate State. The LTTE want the ISGA alone, not federalism, nor any counter proposal from the Government, not even any camouflaged form of capitulation but terms of unconditional surrender of sovereignty over eight administration districts of the Northern and Eastern Provinces.

The LTTE I am sure, are quite clear in their own minds that what has been asked in the ISGA cannot be granted under law, unless the Constitution be radically amended to enable the creation of a Separate State which they also know no Government that hopes to continue in office can hope to achieve unless two-thirds of the M.Ps are either corrupt or insane and unless more than half the voting population of Sri Lanka are similarly afflicted or uninterested in the issue which of course may well be the case.

So what does this mean? The LTTE is hoping that the Government’s yearning for peace, is so overwhelming and overpowering a desire, that it will agree to their proposal in defiance of the Constitution. Even the loquacious Professor’s incessant demand for transparency will then be satisfied because the new Agreement based on the ISGA will be a "transparent fraud" on the Constitution! Another learned Professor of Political Science has urged a response to the ISGA on a new theory of "non-territorial federalism". That of course is as novel an idea as a sandwich minus the encasing bread or an omlette made without eggs. One can sniff the ISGA inside out but you will not get even a whiff of federalism in it.

Since there are many who want the Constitution changed as effortlessly as a change of clothes, for different reasons. This may seem to them a golden opportunity to divest themselves of all controls. The snag however is that with the jettisoning of the Constitution, all the organs of Government that participate in this illegal and farsical exercise will ipso facto lose their constitutional and legal status and legitimacy. If that were to happen, any rebel Government including the LTTE can then validly claim an equality of status with those thereafter claiming to be the Government of Sri Lanka without any semblance of legitimacy. No Government that holds office under a Constitution can claim to retain its legality of status if it negates and abandons the Constitution. Every aspirant to office will claim legitimacy on the strength of their own home-made Constitution heralding a state of anarchy and an emergent dictatorship with the support of the armed forces in what is left of Sri Lanka after the Tiger has had his fill.

One is amazed at the deafening silence of the constitutional lawyers in our midst who so vigorously expound constitutionalism but from whom we have not heard even a whimper of protest, except exhortations to the Government to talk, despite the fact that the LTTE insists on the ISGA as the only basis, which excludes any alternate proposal.

One wonders whether because of the enormity of the violation contemplated they have become tongue-tied or is it a case of lock-jaw? Negotiating with the LTTE on the basis of the ISGA, is about as meaningful as seeking agreement on the terms of the epitaph for Sri Lanka that is to appear on its grave-stone. Even the ubiquitous undertakers for the funeral of the sickman who is taking a long time a-dying and the waiting pall-bearers who incessantly prattle about talks with the LTTE don’t seem to show much interest in the formulation of th text of the epitaph.

‘Don’t resettle in areas mined by SLA’ - LTTE [TamilNet, September 28, 2001 04:44 GMT]

The Liberation Tigers said Friday that displaced civilians in Jaffna are being resettled in areas where land mines laid by the Sri Lanka army haven’t been removed. They said that the family of six that was killed in a land mine explosion on 24 September was among the displaced residents who were resettled in Irupalai where no SLA mines fields have been cleared so far. Meanwhile, Jaffna court sources said that residents of Irupalai had complained to Jaffna District Judge T. Vignarajah about the danger they face from land mines left behind in the village by the SLA when he visited the scene of the explosion that killed the family on 24 September. The sources said that the matter would be recorded at the inquest.

A leaflet issued by the LTTE’s political wing in the Jaffna district states, “The army laid many mine fields in the Irupalai area when it was constructing defences there, expecting an onslaught by us during Operation Unceasing Waves IV. None of these mines and mine fields have been removed so. Civilians who were resettled in Irupalai were not even warned of the danger.”

“Many people who were resettled by the army in similarly dangerous zones in the Thenmaradchi division where war can break out anytime have lost limb and life due to land mine explosions. There too our warnings were ignored. And the resettled civilians were not admonished of the danger posed by the mines,” the LTTE leaflet says.

Jaffna court sources said that the villagers of Irupalai had informed the Jaffna district judge that two persons were killed when the mini - tractor in which they were travelling was hit by a land mine in ‘V.H Lane’ in December last year and that many cattle and goats in the village have been killed by the mines left behind by the army.

The Irupalai residents had pointed out to him that they come to know the presence of anti personnel mines laid by the SLA in many parts of the village only when they are triggered off by ripe coconuts which fall from trees.

Catholic shrine demolished, Mannar tense [TamilNet, September 29, 2003 11:23 GMT]

Mannar town was tense Monday following the demolition of a catholic shrine in Erukkalampiddi, a Muslim village in the western part of the Mannar Island. Officials from the Mannar District Secretariat, the Liberation Tigers and officers from the Sri Lanka army and Police were engaged in talks to defuse the situation amid a sit in protest in the town by more than a thousand catholic fishermen from Pallimunai, a coastal suburb of Mannar town, who had built the shrine.

Muslim owned shops and businesses closed when reports of the attack on the shrine reached the town.

A group of persons from Erukkalampiddi village had attacked and demolished the shrine of St. Anthony at Oosi Mookkan Thurai between 7.30 and 8.30 a.m. Monday morning.

Three persons were injured during a fisticuff between some local Muslims and a group of Pallimunai fishermen when the latter visited the spot upon hearing reports of the attack later on Monday morning, Police said. They have been admitted to the Mannar hospital.

TamilNet’s Mannar correspondent who visited the spot this afternoon by boat with a group comprising the Mannar Government Agent and officials from the Mannar District Secretariat and the Parish priest for Pallimunai, Rev. A. Gnanapragasam, said the shrine was completely demolished.

The Mannar region remains tense and a large number of Police personnel have been moved into the town, he said. Military and Police guards have been posted at the in mosques in Moor Street, Uppukulam and Periyakadai, according to him.

Mannar GA and the Bishop of Mannar spoke to the protesting Pallimunai fishermen around noon to defuse the escalating tensions. Brigadier Sarath Fernando, the commanding officer for Sri Lanka army’s 2-5 and 21-2 Brigades in the Mannar District and Senior Superintendent of Police for Vanni, Mr. Mohammed Miskin were also present at there.

The Erukkalampiddy village is located in a small promontory 6 kilometres northwest of the Mannar town. The shrine is about 5 kilometres from the village, located on a remote part of the promontory’s coast called Oosi Mookkan Thurai. Fishermen from Pallimunai who fish in these parts and use the spot to dry their nets put up the shrine about 20 years ago, according to Mannar Catholic Church sources.

The shrine, built originally as a thatched wooden structure, was burnt on two occasions by mobs of Muslims from Erukkalampiddi.

“People in Erukkalampiddi tend to see the shrine as catholic encroachment into a Muslim enclave in this part of Mannar”, said an official who visited Oosi Mookkan Thurai Monday morning.

An emergency meeting was convened later Monday afternoon at the District Secretariat to explore measures to diffuse the situation. Mr. Noordin Mashoor, Minister Assisting Vanni Rehabilitation and Tamil National Alliance MPs for Vanni, Mr. Selvam Adaikalanathan and Mr. Sivasakthi Anandan are also taking part in the meeting, a Mannar kachcheri officials said.

Government must rope-in diaspora to the peace process By Champika Liyanaarachchi

How many of the 10,000 odd Tamil expatriates who gathered at Queens Park, Toronto last Saturday, carrying placards of Vellupillai Prabhakaran, will return to Sri Lanka if a final negotiated settlement is reached to the North and the East conflict?

In all probability there would not be even a fourth of them willing to leave the green pastures.

The Tamil Diaspora which finances the maintenance of both the political and the military wing of the LTTE, including the child soldiers, would always prefer to give their own children a western education and enjoy quality living standards in places like Toronto, London, Oslo or Melbourne.

For the majority of them, events like Pongu Thamil provide the necessary catharsis to vent their anger against the Sri Lankan State and demonstrate solidarity with the LTTE, the organization that has taken on their 'enemy' in a major way after they left the shores.

Those who have paid a visit to the motherland and witnessed the changes that have taken place in the centre, over the years, especially since the truce, perhaps have got over the anger and hate against the State to a certain extent.

On the other hand, for their youngsters especially for the ones who were born after Black July, Prabhakaran is a kind of a village thug who waged a war against the 'hostile' government which forced their parents to flee the country.

Though the Tiger supremo may not be their type of a hero, the influence of parents and also some of the horrifying accounts they have heard about the atrocities back in Sri Lanka, probably have made them uphold convictions similar to those held by their parents.

Ironically, despite this demonstration of solidarity with the Tigers, the reality is that, given a chance, a majority of the Tamil Diaspora will opt to remain in their host countries, especially if a predominantly LTTE administration starts ruling the North and East in a post-conflict period.

They are not prepared to forego the style of living they enjoy now and return to the 'Tamil homeland' or the federal state of the North and East which will take at least a decade to provide them with a decent standards of living.

Also, though hero-worshipped from a distance, these expatriates know for sure, that Velupillai Prabhakaran is not somebody they could trust while living under his writ especially when it comes to their freedom.

So the monies will be doled out, demonstrations will be held, but the distance will always be kept - a distance of tens of thousands of kilometres.

Apart from this, there are other trends.

For instance Sri Lankan Tamils living in the West especially those in Canada are passing through a period of transition of identity.

According to R. Cheran, Jaffna-born lecturer in Sociology at the York University, Toronto, during the 2001 census in Canada, despite strong requests from Tamil organizations to all Tamils to identify themselves as Tamils, only 96, 645 out of the 215,000 of the community had given their identity as Tamils.

It is very likely that the number would be further diminished given the penchant of the younger generation to dissociate themselves from Asian roots and identify more with the West.

Another contributory factor to this phenomenon is the hybrid Tamil identities - like Tamil- Canadian, Tamil- Dutch and Tamil- Norwegian that followed the mass exodus to these western destinations.

However, this fact in no way discounts the powerful position the Sri Lankan Tamils expatriates enjoy especially in Canada and the UK.

With a sizeable percentage of asylum seekers getting citizenship in the host countries, the Sri Lankan Tamils have managed to draw the attention of even local politicians from remote constituencies of these two countries, to the North-East conflict in Sri Lanka.

As a result, a large number of Canadian politicians from areas where there are heavy concentrations of Tamils have become champions of Tamils rights with a view to being in the good books of their constituents.

A good example of the power wielded by the Tamil diaspora was the manner they elected 86 Liberal party delegates from Ontario to support Prime Minister Paul Martin in September last year.

Therefore, given their strong presence in key cities in the West and also due to their decisive role in influencing the outcome of the North- East conflict, the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora has become a popular research subject among conflict analysts.

Numbering some 800,000 they are part of the 175 million people or 3% of the total world population, who live outside the country of birth and, along with the Irish, Kurds and Palestinians, form the most vibrant diasporas which 'fight' for the self-determination and rights of their communities back at home.

Of the 800,000 Sri Lankan Tamil migrants, about 250,000 have their applications rejected or pending appeal. However, nearly 40% of these have managed to find employment while the rest live solely on the dole.

According to researchers on the subject, the LTTE's international fundraising through the Tamil Diaspora ammounts to about US$ 80 million per year while the Tigers continue to deny this figure.

September 11, 2001 has seen a shift in the outlook of certain western countries towards Diaspora communities. Those who are from conflict- ridden countries are often viewed as potentially dangerous groups which bring their 'home' conflicts to the host countries.

Nine months after 9/11 Sri Lanka too rushed to enter into an agreement with the European Union to repatriate illegal asylum seekers in Europe in May 2002.

The agreement came into being at a time when the UNF government was marketing the peace process among the donor nations in order to help salvage the economy which by the time they came into office had reached its nadir with the public debt stock at Rs. 1,450 billion in 2001 surpassing the GDP.

The same period also saw fears of mass repatriation on the rise in Europe with a strong wave of nationalism sweeping across the continent especially with far right wingers like Le Pen in France taking a strong hostile stand on Asian and African expatriates.

As expected the repatriation agreement signed by the European Union's External Relations Commissioner Chris Patten and then Foreign Minister of Sri Lanka Tyronne Fernando, earned strong reactions from the Tamil Diaspora as well as local Tamils.

Immediately after the pact, the Uthayan newspaper quoted a Belgian Tamil news agency claiming that the purpose of the agreement reached in Brussels was to seek financial assistance to overcome the crisis the Sri Lanka government was saddled with.

One may not forget that almost half of the Sri Lankan Tamils in European destinations are not really the victims of Black July, but those who made use of the opportunity to improve their economic prospects and later got their families too to join them.

So these will continue to live where they are now - notwithstanding the improvements in the conditions in Sri Lanka.

In fact the majority of those who really suffered due to the riots, are the ones who fled to India and still continue to live there under extremely trying circumstances.

The repatriation agreement also saw the domestic Tamil population expressing their fears about the potential destabilizing effect that a large influx of refugees from abroad without proper plans for their welfare, would have on the North and the East.

From the LTTE point of view the deportation of illegal immigrants meant Tigers losing a chunk of their funds.
One did not hear much about the agreement afterwards and now with the spate of killings carried out especially in the East, and with the UNHCR still maintaining the position that the situation is not conducive to repatriation, the asylum seekers in the greener pastures have ample excuses to stay back.

Though return is still not an option considered by a majority of them, the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora is making a meaningful contribution to help improve the condition in the North and the East through legitimate financial assistance and capacity building measures. This is besides the financial assistance to the Tigers.

This is especially so in the health sector with organizations like - the Medical Institute of Tamils (MIOF) and TamMED which send their doctors to the Wanni and Jaffna to help the local doctors and also to impart knowledge. Besides, there are several individual physicians who do voluntary work.

Unfortunately other than the LTTE network there is no other strong set-up by the Sri Lanka government or the civil society to get the Diaspora, be they Tamil, Muslim or Sinhala, involved in the peace process or development work in Sri Lanka.

The African countries have set a very good example for the Asians in this regard.

The South African Diaspora agencies in the West, the programmes launched by the Nigerian government to maximize the involvement of its Diaspora in developing the country and the special departments created by the Ivory Coast to get the assistance of the diasporas are among them.

In addition, other countries like Uganda, Mali and Senegal are now following suit.

In the case of the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora, the historical reasons may deter a vast majority of them from getting involved in the development work in the Sinhala areas for some time. The absence of institutional mechanisms however has made it difficult for those who want to make their contributions outside the LTTE network, to do so even in Tamil areas.

Following the ceasefire agreement we witnessed how thousands of Tamil expatriates paid visits to Sri Lanka and made investments even in Colombo in an obvious sign that there has been a marked shift in their attitude towards the South.
It is high time that the government and the civil society opened a forum for them to get involved in a dialogue and push the peace process forward in a more meaningful way than simply carrying placards in far away destinations.

Top Tiger team flies to Geneva today

An LTTE delegation led by its political wing chief S.P. Thamilselvan is flying to Geneva today to discuss its ISGA proposals with its legal experts.

A special Air Force helicopter was scheduled to fly the ten-member delegation from Kilinochchi to the BIA for a flight from there to Geneva after dinner at the Airport Garden Hotel at Katunayake.

LTTE Peace Secretariat head Pulidevan, LTTE's police Chief Nadesan and Eastern Political head Kaushalyan are in the delegation. They are scheduled to travel from Geneva to Oslo on October 7 for talks with Norwegian facilitators Vidar Helgesen and Erik Solheim.

The delegation during their three-week tour is expected to meet United Nations officials in Geneva and political leaders in Ireland and Belgium.

The LTTE's chief negotiator Anton Balasingham is expected to join the delegation in Oslo.

"We will impress on the foreign governments to pressurize the Sri Lankan government to come back for talks immediately," Mr. Thamilselvan told Reuters yesterday before flying out of Kilinochchi.

He said the delegation would also appeal for funding to rebuild areas under the LTTE control in the north and east which he said still lay in ruins after years of crossfire and shelling.

Mr. Thamilselvan also said:

"We have clearly emphasized that we are always ready for the resumption of talks. That is the truth. The President does notseem to understand this."

The government insists the rebels must agree to talk permanent peace before granting interim self-rule, a Catch-22 situation paralyzing peace talks in an impasse that will likely stretch on for months.

Norway says killings beyond its control

The Norwegian government yesterday condemned all factional killings in Sri Lanka and said such acts were a danger to the peace process and the Ceasefire Agreement.

Referring to news reports that the Norwegian government had given an assurance to the EPDP that it would take steps to prevent further killings, a Norwegian Embassy spokesman said yesterday that the facilitators could not give such an assurance on matters that did not come under their control.

He said the political killings were essentially internal matters and Norway could give no assurances regarding such matters.

No swap, but moves under way for release of two homeguards By Sunil Jayasiri

As SLMM Chief Trond Furhovde prepares to meet LTTE political wing leader S. P. Thamilselvan near Katunayake today to negotiate the release of two homeguards by the LTTE, the government reiterated it would not agree to any prisoner swap.

Mr. Thamilselvam and an LTTE delegation are due to arrive at the BIA today to take a flight to Geneva and the SLMM chief is likely to meet him at the Airport Garden Hotel.

Public Security Ministry Secretary Tilak Ranaviraja said the detention of two members of the security forces was a violation of the ceasefire terms and it was clear the LTTE was exploiting the agreement to its advantage.

He said that when government forces arrest any LTTE cadres, they brought the matter to the notice of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission and the two peace secretariats as required by the Ceasefire Agreement, but the LTTE was not observing such procedures.

He said if the government agreed to any prisoner swap, it might set a dangerous precedent with the LTTE taking in more security forces members and demanding swaps.

The secretary said that on a directive from President Chandrika Kumaratunga, a special committee headed by Deputy Defence Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake was appointed to work out the release of the homeguards.

He said the committee including Defence Ministry Secretary Cyril Herath, a representative from the Presidential Secretariat and himself decided to exert 'strong pressure on the LTTE through the SLMM for the release of homeguards.

Security measures blamed for student desertions [TamilNet, September 18, 1999 02:55 GMT]

Students attending Tellipallai Mahajana College, which began functioning in its own buildings this Wednesday after nine years, have been subjected to severe body checking, said sources. The school is in the security zone.

Students coming from Kankesanthurai and Ambanai areas have been asked to hand over their identity cards at two army check points. Thereafter security forces transport them in their vehicles to the school, sources said.

During school hours no outsiders are allowed to enter the college premises. Students are also not allowed to leave the security zone during school hours, added sources.

These restrictions imposed by the army have caused severe hardships to the students and about 400 students have left the school, the sources said.

Earlier the total strength of the students was at about 1300, school sources said.

Most of the buildings of the college have been found damaged, school sources added.

Tellipalai Mahajana College, a leading educational institution in the peninsula was moved out to Pandatharippu Hindu College in October 1990. From there it was shifted to Inuvil Central College and then to Alaveddy Arunothaya Vidiyalayam.

Does the US government have strategic interests in Sri Lanka? If so, what are they? By Taraki

There are two schools of thought that seek to explain America's quest for global power. The dominant and popular school argues that American military power projection across the world is driven mainly by the desire to control vital resources and the domination of global sea lanes on which these resources have to be shipped to America and its allies.

The average reader has heard all about the war for oil and other vital resources and remains quite convinced about the arguments of this school of thought that dominates most public discourse on the US government's global interests. Those who subscribe to this school of thought are generally inclined to believe that America has no real strategic interests in Sri Lanka.

The second, lesser-known school, avers that there is more to US military expansionism than the securing of vital resources. If the US is driven only by the need to secure vital resources to sustain the economic foundations of its sole super power status then it is perfectly possible to do so by buying those resources in the world markets, according to this school of thought. Japan became the second biggest economic power in the world by buying oil and other vital resources at market prices. The same can be said of Korea and Taiwan. China, which is fast emerging as a super power, never went to war over oil.

Chalmers Johnson, a well-regarded American scholar, who is one of the main proponents of this view, provides an interesting illustration: After the first war for oil, the US spent 50 billion dollars out of its annual budget to defend the Persian Gulf. The annual cost of oil the US imported during that period was 11 billion dollars - the imports accounted only for ten percent of annual American consumption (for an insight into the workings of the US imperial military system at work around the world read his book 'Blowback')

Quite obviously the US military was not spending 50 billion dollars to protect and bring back 11 billion dollars worth of oil to America!

As one who subscribes to the second school of thought on US military expansionism, I will corroborate this point further with an example from the horse's mouth.

An American defence analyst argues in a centennial issue of the United States War College journal, 'Parameters', that the US should have a foothold on the Spratlys Islands in South China Sea.

"The Spratlys are not Kuwait - they are not even Falklands. They are not about oil, they are not about democracy, and they are not about human rights- for the most part they are not even inhabited. The correct answer, of course, is that in the Spratlys we would be fighting over the balance of power in Asia", ('An Evitable War: Engaged Containment and the US-China Balance' by Lt. Col. Roy C. Howle, acting executive officer and military assistant for operations to the Undersecretary of the US Army, in 'Parameters' Vol. XXXI, No. 3, Autumn 2001)

Simply put, the US wants to advantageously position its military power in all strategically important parts of the world so that the balance of power ineach region would inevitably and overwhelmingly be on its side. This would preclude the rise of any global hegemon like the USSR in the future and would help the US 'overdetermine' the course of world affairs by being in a position to effectively project its power in every nook and cranny of this planet. The US government's strategic interests in Sri Lanka are intertwined with its military objectives in South Asia and Asia.

Therefore a brief overview of the strategic objectives of the US in Asia in general and South Asia in particular is necessary to identity and understand the development of US military interests in Sri Lanka.

Four years ago the US Deputy Chief of Staff for Air and Space Operations, the US Air Force and the Commander of the US's Pacific Air Forces commissioned a study on projecting US military power in Asia. The research for the project was carried out by RAND Corporation.

According to the declassified version of this study - 'The US and Asia: Toward a New Force Posture'- America's "access strategy" in Asia is centred on "increasing opportunities for deployments and exercises and on the development of contingency agreements with potential security partners in the area" - in South Asia this means Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Maldives and Nepal. It should be noted here that the "access strategy" also includes plans to significantly increase electronic and other intelligence assets in the territories of potential security partners in the region.

In this context it is interesting to note what the study says of potential security partners in the region such as Sri Lanka: "In the near term, access strategy for Asia should centre on increasing opportunities for deployments and exercises and on the development of contingency agreements with a number of potential security partners in the area. Depending on the closeness of the resulting relationship, this could include measures to tailor local infrastructure to USAF operations by extending runways, improving air traffic control facilities, repairing parking aprons and the like." It should be noted in this context that the US is only seeking and looking for basing opportunities in South Asia but not avenues for constructing new military installations for USAF operations.

According to the RAND study, "The identification of bases that are currently capable (or nearly so) of supporting USAF operations has both political and financial advantages. There appears to be little appetite, either in the United States or in the region, for the construction of additional American military installations.The bases identified in this analysis should not require significant upgrades that could be costly in terms of either USAF budget dollars or American political capital."

The study focused on five key attributes: the length of the runway(s) at the facility, runway width, the amount of ramp space, the number of fighter sized parking spaces available, and whether or not weapons storage is available. It also looked at pavement loading characteristics (which are critical to operating large heavy aircraft such as air-lifters), the availability of fuel and 'other factors'.

Discussing basing opportunities for the US in South Asia, the RAND study notes that they are "somewhat limited in this part of the world". The study observe further, "Diego Garcia is the permanent US outpost nearest the subcontinent, but we use the term 'near' advisedly - for that base lies approximately 2500 nautical miles from Islamabad. (The base is approximately the same distance from Kashmir.) and 2200 nautical miles from New Delhi."

The study identifies three general regions for basing opportunities located east, west, and north of India.

The study first discusses the area east of India: "This region has limited facilities and relations between Burma and the United States are stressed. Finally given the proximity of this region to China, opportunities for close military relations may be limited in the event of heightened tensions", the authors say.

"The second region consists of the Central Asian republics. Improved access to South Asia could grow from enhanced relations with these former Soviet republics". The study notes that Central Asian states such as Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan could serve as valuable entrepots to the Subcontinent.

"The third region is the Middle East, and it is here that we see the most prominence for conducting operations in South Asia. As was show during the Gulf War, the air base facilities in this region are second to none, and the governments in the region are relatively stable, often with national interests that align with those of the United States. With regard to geography, Oman is closest to the Indian-Pakistani border - about 500 nautical miles. Relations between the government of Oman and United States are good, and Oman has shown itself to be a steadfast ally. In addition the basing infrastructure is well developed. Two bases - Seeb International and Masirah Island - are particularly well suited for the conduct of USAF operations".

The other bases available to the USAF for operations in South Asia are in Thailand and Singapore. The US has a long-standing defence treaty relationship with Thailand and use of a Royal Thai naval air station in U Tapaho. It has a similar defence treaty arrangement with Singapore. But the RAND Corp. study notes that New Delhi is 1600 nautical miles from Bangkok as are bases in central Saudi Arabia and it is 2200 nautical miles from Singapore.

Therefore the US began to actively look for basing opportunities in countries closer to India. In Sri Lanka the war with the LTTE offered America ample scope for this purpose. The cease-fire agreement created the ideal environment for further studying and consolidating basing and other opportunities in Sri Lanka. This is when we saw a sharp increase in US Pacific Command visits to this island.

America has several legal instruments such as the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), Mutual Logistics Support Agreement (MLSA) and Access and Cross Servicing Agreement (ACSA) by which it can cement deals with countries where it wants to position itself to gain strategic advantage or dominance in a region. Explaining the advantages of such agreements, the US Pacific Command (USPACOM) chief Admiral Thomas Fargo says "ACSA and MLSA enhance inter operability and readiness and provide a cost effective mechanism for mutual logistics support for US".

According to him USPACOM has signed the ACSA with Philippines, Australia, South Korea, Japan, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, New Zealand, Fiji and Tonga. He says that eight other countries including Maldives, Nepal, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka are eligible for signing the ACSA. (Admiral Thomas B. Fargo: 'Statement of the US Navy Commander- US Pacific Command before the House International Relations Committee, Sub Committee on Asia and the Pacific, on US Pacific Command Posture' - June 26, 2003)

In 1999, the US signed a defence treaty (probably the VFA and/or MLSA) with Nepal. This was done despite a treaty between India and Nepal that explicitly prohibits Kathmandu from courting external military alliances and assistance without New Delhi's approval (Exchange of Letters in the Indo-Nepal Treaty of 1951).

India, patently alarmed by this development, has, since then, sought to dissuade countries in the region from entering into such defence agreements with the US. New Delhi is also apparently keen to subtly reduce the influence of the US military that has been silently expanding in some neighbouring countries in recent years. (It is no accident that the Maoist Guerrillas are attacking US interests in Nepal)

The Kuda Oya International Airport project is a case in point. On February 19, 2004 the Ministry of Transport, Highways and Civil Aviation placed an ad in the papers inviting "Expressions of Interests from Reputed Organisations/Consortia/Joint Ventures for the development of an International Aerodrome at Kuda Oya Wellawaya". In the past US Special Forces had allegedly trained in Kuda Oya with the Sri Lanka military. Later the place was called an adventure theme park. If one draws a radius from the sea-lanes that curve off our southern coast, one end would be in Kuda Oya. It would show the importance of its location. If anyone were to inquire into the project's current status it might throw some light on the tensions behind the specific strategic interests that intersect in Sri Lanka. Also consider India's stand on developing the Palaly airfield in Jaffna.

America recently 'upgraded' Pakistan to a Major Non NATO Ally status. If, on top of this, Bangladesh, Nepal, Maldives and Sri Lanka were to sign the ACSA, the American military's strategic posture in South Asia would be complete and unchallengeable. (A US offer to sign the ACSA with India was rejected by New Delhi as a ruse to take the edge off its objections to America signing the agreement with other South Asian countries).

It is a fact that the US wanted to sign the ACSA or a similar treaty with Sri Lanka in 2002 when the UNP was in power. USPACOM chief confirms that Sri Lanka is still on the list of countries with which America wants to sign the treaty. If his statement on what ACSA entails were perused together with the RAND Corp. study on increasing US basing opportunities in South Asia, we would get a very clear picture of America's strategic interests in Sri Lanka.

The Letters of Exchange of the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement of 1987 (ISLA) prohibit Sri Lanka from having foreign troops on its soil without India's sanction. But like Nepal, Sri Lanka too can ignore the ISLA and cement a military deal with the US.

Politicians and influential opinion makers (including former arch anti imperialist Dayan Jayatilleka) are clamouring for US assistance to defeat the LTTE. The US compulsion to find basing opportunities here and the desire of Sinhala nationalists to preserve the unitary state with foreign military assistance appear to be equal in their self-persuasive force.

This is why I argue that a point might be soon reached where there would be a confluence of American and Sinhala nationalist interests whether India likes it or not.
But then like Nepal there would be a price to pay.

PNM warns Govt. not to base peace talks on ISGA By Gagani Weerakoon

If the UPFA commenced peace talks based on the Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA) instead of a final solution, they would not hesitate to defeat the Government, warned the Patriotic National Movement (PNM).

Addressing the special convention of the PNM 'Perambera Dekma', held at the Sugathadasa Indoor Stadium on Monday co-president of the PNM, Ven. Elle Gunawansa Thera said that PNM had an ethical right to do so and it would never allow to establish such an interim authority in this country.

" The government is bound with the responsibility of protecting people's self esteem as they are the ones who voted to bring the UPFA into power" he said.

Ven. Thera also urged the Chief Incumbent of the Malwatta chapter not to accept the invitation of the LTTE to visit Kilinochchi to hold discussions with them.

" We also believe that Malwatte Mahanayake Thera will not betray the bhikkus by visiting Kilinochchi," he said.

Meanwhile, the JVP Propaganda Secretary Wimal Weerawansa who is also a member of the PNM denied allegations that the delay in the peace talks was caused by the JVP and due to an internal crisis in the UPFA.

The PNM also unanimously approved a proposal to urge the government to name the year 2005 as the 'Year against re-colonization', as it marks 500 years of Portuguese invasion.

Mother, daughter killed during ambush [TamilNet, September 29, 1999 14:08 GMT]

Three people, including a mother and her 14 year old daughter were killed yesterday in the coastal fishing hamlet of Kaluwankerni, about 20 km north east of Batticaloa when the Sri Lanka Army (SLA) soldiers and cadres from the Razeek group, a paramilitary organisation operating alongside the SLA, opened fire said sources.

Sources said troops waiting in ambush had observed a youth and fired at him last night around 9.30 p.m. The youth, known as Thevan, had ran towards a nearby hut to escape firing.

The soldiers chased the youth, shot and killed him.

The mother, A.Yogeswary, 34 and her daughter, V.Nageswaray,14, who were in the hut were hit by the firing and died on the spot.

The SLA claimed the youth was a member of the Liberation Tigers and handed over his body at the Eravur hospital.

Unconfirmed reports, however, said the youth was a civilian from Kaluwankerni.

The bodies of Yogeswary and her daughter were handed over to the hospital by the Divisional Secretary.

Civilian killed in shelling north of Batticaloa [TamilNet, September 28, 2004 10:45 GMT]

A civilian was killed and another wounded in shelling in Panichchankerni, 60 kilometres north of Batticaloa Tuesday around 11. 30 a.m. The shelling came from the direction of the Cashew Plantation Sri Lanka army camp in Mankerni, residents said. The woman who was injured in the shelling was taken to Valaichenai hospital and was then transferred to the Batticaloa teaching hospital. Panichchankerni is a village in the LTTE controlled region in Batticaloa north. Mankerni is five kilometres south of Panichchankerni. Police said the person who was killed in the shelling was a woman identified as Mrs. K. Kalipillai, 47. One of the injured women was identified as Ms. Uthayachelvi, 38. She is being operated on, doctors at the Batticaloa hospital said.

U.S funds training of Sri Lanka Police [TamilNet, September 28, 2004 20:04 GMT]

US Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Jeffrey.J.Lunstead, and Srilankan Inspector General of police Indra De Silva signed an agreement today at the US Embassy initiating a two year program administered by the U.S Department of Justice where Sri Lanka Police will receive equipment and training worth $250,000, a US embassy press release issued today said.

Full text of the press release follows:

Several hundred policemen throughout Sri Lanka will soon benefit from new equipment and training offered by the United States under a program aimed to improve the performance of local community policemen. U.S. Ambassador Jeffrey J. Lunstead and Sri Lankan Inspector General of Police Indra De Silva signed a Memorandum of Agreement today at the U.S. Embassy outlining details of the program.

Valued at US$ 250,000, the program will run for two years and is administered by the U.S. Department of Justice under the International Criminal Investigative Training Assistance Program (ICITAP).

''We're proud to be able to offer this assistance to local Sri Lankan policemen as a tangible benefit of the peace process,'' said Ambassador Lunstead. ''Hopefully this program will lead to better public relations within the communities where they work,'' Lunstead added.

LTTE rejects request of villagers to return By Ranjith Jayasundara

LTTE has notified registered villagers in Nadduwan Kawdu village in Elephant Pass under the LTTE not to return until further notice.

The LTTE has prohibited resettlement until land mines and anti-personal mines are cleared and protection confirmed.

LTTE has commenced clearing land mines by their land mine clearing unit Wemipura battalion and the human unit engaged in clearing operations.

There were 168 families left this village for Vavuniya, Jaffna or Killinochchi when the war was on for refugee camps or to stay with their relations. Now they have informed the LTTE that they need to come back. The LTTE response was negative.

Paramilitary cadre shot dead in Jaffna [TamilNet, September 27, 2004 09:45 GMT]

A member of a paramilitary group working with the Sri Lanka army was shot dead by unidentified gunmen in Jaffna Monday afternoon, Police said. The man, identified as Valli Sundaram, was riding a motorbike on KKS Road between Maruthanamadam and Inuvil when two gunmen on a motorbike fired on him with a handgun, according to Police.

He is from the coastal village of Myiliddy. Mr. Sundaram was residing in the EPRLF (V) camp by the Sri Lanka army's main garrison in Jaffna town after he was displaced from his village due to Sri Lanka army operations in 1990, Police said.

LTTE condemns assassination of senior leader [TamilNet, September 26, 2001 13:09 GMT]

The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in an official statement issued from its headquarters in Vanni Wednesday, strongly condemned the killing of one of its senior leaders, Colonel Shankar. The statement said the LTTE leadership "shares the Tamil people's outrage and treats the killing of a senior leader with utmost gravity."

The full text of the press release follows:

"The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in an official statement issued from its headquarters in Vanni Wednesday, strongly condemned the killing of one of its senior leaders Colonel Shankar.

"A deep penetration commando unit of the Sri Lankan Army triggered a claymore mine on Col. Shankar's vehicle and he was killed on the spot. The incident occurred around 10.45 a.m. today near Oddusudan in the heart of Vanni, Northern Sri Lanka.

"Col. Shankar has been an active participant in the Tamil people's freedom struggle for nearly two decades. He was a close confidante of the LTTE leader, Mr. Vellupillai Pirapaharan and accompanied him in the first historic meeting in the Vanni with Oslo's Special Envoy, Erik Solheim, in November 2000.

"Provocatively, Col. Shankar's killing occurred on the anniversary of the death during hunger strike of Lt. Col Thileepan, a day of profound sadness amongst the Tamil people. The LTTE leadership shares the Tamil people's outrage and treats the killing of a senior leader with utmost gravity.

"Whilst maintaining to the international community that it is committed to a negotiated settlement, President Chandrika Kumaratunga's regime has repeatedly sought to sabotage the Norwegian peace initiative and continued its military operations. As a result of repeated Sri Lankan acts of aggression, formal and informal efforts to de-escalate the conflict have proved futile. The attack on Col Shankar and the date chosen for it highlights the Sri Lankan government's ongoing determination to seek the military option in solving the Tamil national question. Prospects for peace talks through Norwegian facilitation, stalled earlier through Colombo's efforts to sideline Mr. Solheim, have been further set back by the killing of this senior LTTE leader."

Preaching to the convinced

The ‘Peace’ cacophony increased in crescendo last week and hit the high notes. It was the International Day for Peace and this was commemorated in this country perhaps as no other country did.

The state media had little news other than ‘Peace’ and President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s visit to the New York UN headquarters where she too made a clarion call for peace in the world over as well as in her country. The peace drums were being beaten in gusto in the newspapers, over radio and TV. Peace demonstrations were organised in many parts of the country such as mini marathons. The Centrepiece was Sarvodaya Chief’s demonstration termed, Ahimsa, on the lawns of the BMICH where some thousands who had been transported from far away places gathered. Mr Ariyarartne’s demonstration was held to ‘meditate on Peace’.

Transcendental and metaphysical thoughts and prayers to gods may help in bringing about the wishes of the devotees but to whom were they appealing to on terra firma? What is the ‘Peace’ that they wanted and whom did they think was disturbing the tranquillity or in more materialistic terms, making war?

Was it the government of Sri Lanka? Are our armed forces at war right now and killing people or is it the LTTE itself in their fratricidal between its two factions? Who is killing so called government intelligence agents and cadres of the EPDP? Who is abducting children for war? The answer is all too obvious.

All are well aware that there is one organisation under one fascist megalomaniac making war and killing people but none of these ‘peace’ demonstrators dared even to name him or the organisation. Why oh why is this deadly silence? The favourite excuse from NGO workers to diplomats is that it is not the way of conflict resolution. And all negotiators have been scared of calling a spade a spade. This has been an ideal situation for Prabakaran right right along—- using the peace fa`E7ade to further his military and political objectives.

Could not that messiah for peace, A.T.Ariyaratne ,from the foot steps of the BMICH on the day of his ‘Ahimsa’ cried out aloud for the world to hear : ‘Vellupillai Prabakaran, in the name of humanity, in the name of your brothers and sisters of Sri Lanka, stop the killings?’ Mr. Ariyaratne who once threatened a ‘Peace March’ to Jaffna from Dondra but which failed to proceed even a short distance, made no such direct appeal to the killers. Meditation with his demonstrators dressed in white, 190,000 of them, as he claimed, was his contribution.

But the message he sent out gave a totally wrong picture to what is happening in this country. Such mass demonstrations for ‘Peace’ in a country where only a terroist organisation continues its killings, coveys a totally different picture to the outside world. It conveys the impression that a massive bloody conflict is on in this country and the minorities are being massacred. The crimes committed by the killers are covered by this fa`E7ade of peace.

It is doing no good to the country and its people. It only amounts to preaching to the convinced and taking away attention from the killers.

It will be recalled that peace has been the objective of every Sri Lankan government since the guerrilla war with the terroist groups commenced. President J.R.Jayewardene went over to India to bring about a settlement because India at this stage was building up the guerrilla groups. Since then, every government has sued for peace. But the ‘Peace Mongers’ particuarly those backed by foreign NGOs consistently portrayed the government as the war mongers and the LTTE as representatives of a suppressed minority.

It happened last week, this time the objective being to compel the government to sit down for negotiations on terms demanded by the LTTE. Even foreign governments that conceded that the LTTE proposals were a blue print for a separate state now want the government to start negotiations—- come hell or high-water—- for the government and the people of this country.

People like Mr. Ariyaratne must realise that preaching to the convinced like his faithful Sarvodaya organisation in the full glare of the media will not contribute to peace. It is counterproductive to peace. Go forth Mr. Ariyaratne, to the north and east and preach your ‘ahimsa’there. The people of Colombo are not killers and don’t need your loving kindness.

(http://www.island.lk/2004/09/27/editorial.html)

Fighting in Nagar Kovil [TamilNet, September 26, 2000 12:42 GMT]

Fighting has been reported between the Sri Lanka Army (SLA) and the Liberation Tigers in Nagar Kovil on the southeastern coast of Jaffna since Tuesday afternoon.

Residents in neighbouring areas reported heavy shelling and firing. Further details were not known.

The Sri Lanka army has a large base in this coastal village and its environs. The Liberation Tigers control the coast and its hinterland immediately south of the SLA's forward defences in Nagar Kovil.